feat(wiki): write east_reach outer ring wiki pages (batch 8)

Ten systems at hops 6-8: Hwaseong, Devereux Point, Yeongwol,
Lam's Prospect, Songjiang, Hạ Long, Murakami's Lantern, Chandra
Deep, Oshima, Dài Lộ. Includes Paula review fixes for Kovács Loop
agricultural attribution, Murakami/Dài Lộ hop-distance anomaly
framing, and Oshima wave timing.

Co-Authored-By: Claude Opus 4.6 <noreply@anthropic.com>

wiki/star-systems/GJ-1125/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_216
+# Hwaseong
 **GJ 1125** | M-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+Hwaseong sits at the end of a spur running outward from p Eridani, two gates and no further — a community that chose a name before it finished choosing itself. The name comes from a stone fortress on old Earth, one of the great walled cities of the Korean peninsula, and the choice carries the kind of weight that founders give things they want to last. Two hundred years on, Hwaseong has lasted. Whether it has become what its founders intended is a different question.
+
+The system holds a single inhabited world — a high-gravity terrestrial designated HW-Prime — and the infrastructure of a settlement that arrived knowing it was the end of the line. Spur-end communities often develop a quality the rest of the corridor calls *mal-geut* psychology, a polite phrase for the particular mixture of pride and defensiveness that comes from living where the road stops. Hwaseong has it in abundance. The local governing council, the **Seongnae**, takes its name from the area inside a fortress wall, and the symbolism is not subtle: this is a place that knows its boundaries and guards them.
+
+The second aperture — the inward gate to p Eridani — handles all traffic. The outbound aperture leads to an unclassified stub system, GJ 660A, which shows no signs of habitation and exists in Hwaseong's consciousness mainly as a surveyed dead end and an occasional destination for long-range prospectors. The Seongnae has filed seven separate petitions over the past forty years asking the Assembly to reclassify the GJ 660A connection as a closed navigational corridor, arguing that an open aperture into a dead system draws the wrong kind of attention. The Assembly has acknowledged each petition and done nothing, which Hwaseong has taken as its customary relationship with distant authority.
+
+The economy runs on precision ceramics and high-gravity-adapted biotechnology. HW-Prime's 1.3-standard gravity makes certain biological processes — bone density research, pressurized tissue cultivation — easier here than almost anywhere in the east_reach, and a cluster of small research institutes has grown up around that advantage. The work is unglamorous by the standards of the corridor's technocratic culture, but Hwaseong's researchers are disproportionately cited in the Settled Reach's medical literature, a fact the Seongnae mentions in every formal address.
+
+Wave_4 settlement means two hundred years without a reset. The founding generation is four generations back, remembered through the selective memory of civic mythology. The actual record of those early decades — the equipment failures, the political fractures, the years when the population briefly dropped below minimum viable — is preserved in the Hwaseong Archive, a physical repository that the Seongnae controls and does not invite outsiders to examine closely.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Hwaseong depends on p Eridani (GJ 66A) for refined metals, prefabricated construction components, and the specialized gate-maintenance equipment that Hwaseong lacks the industrial base to manufacture locally. The ceramics and biotech industries produce enough export value to balance the relationship, but Hwaseong's council is acutely aware that any sustained disruption at p Eridani would exhaust local reserves within eighteen months. This vulnerability is the unspoken context behind the Seongnae's fortress-naming tradition: the walls are psychological as much as structural.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Seongnae** governs through a council of twelve technical and civic directors, selected by tiered professional examination — a miniaturized version of the east_reach's broader meritocratic model. The examination system is genuine but the candidate pool is narrow; every council member for the past sixty years has been educated at one of three local institutions, all of which share faculty and donors.
+
+**The Prospectors' Association** represents the loose community of independent operators who work the GJ 660A stub and surrounding uncharted space. The Association wants the Seongnae to negotiate access rights with the Assembly rather than restrict the aperture, and the tension between these positions has been a low-grade civic argument for thirty years.
+
+**The Archive Custodians** are technically a cultural institution but function with the opacity of a faction. They control what is known about Hwaseong's early decades and have blocked three independent historical research projects in living memory on grounds of "preservation integrity."
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The gap years: a period of approximately fifteen years in Hwaseong's second century (roughly 150–165 years ago) during which official records are sparse, population figures inconsistent, and the founding charter was quietly amended. The Archive Custodians describe this as an administrative reorganization period. Independent researchers who have tried to reconstruct the timeline report anomalies suggesting a more serious crisis — possibly involving the original survey of GJ 660A and what, if anything, was found there. The Seongnae does not discuss the gap years in public forums.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+An investigator following a cold trail into Hwaseong's Archive discovers that the gap years correspond precisely with a classified Assembly survey of GJ 660A that was subsequently sealed — and that the survey team never returned.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The star field reads "K:..." (incomplete classification) while the stub header specifies M-type; the header is preserved as the canonical identifier. The wave_4 settlement at spur_end is consistent with a community that arrived to exploit a known resource profile at the end of a surveyed route, rather than pushing into unknown space. The second aperture's function as an exit into an uninhabited system is treated as a navigational artifact rather than an active connection.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-1128/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_207
+# Devereux Point
 **GJ 1128** | K-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Devereux Point sits in the loop between Kovács Loop and Relay 7 — a navigational node that inherited its name from the survey team leader who first calculated the aperture geometry here, three hundred years ago. Marianne Devereux was French by heritage and methodical by training, and the name she marked in her survey log was simply "the point" — the coordinate where the loop closed. The "Devereux" came later, added by the first permanent settlers in the tradition of naming places after the person who found them, even when that person never intended to stay.
+
+Devereux is the exception the east_reach acknowledges without fully explaining: an English and French-founded community embedded in a Korean and Chinese-dominated corridor, three hundred years old and fully naturalized into the corridor's technocratic culture while retaining its own distinct civic character. The founders arrived as part of a Wave 3 expansion wave that was, by that point in the settlement timeline, drawing from a broad pool of applicants rather than the linguistically and culturally coherent groups that had established the corridor's early character. Devereux Point was one of several "cross-corridor" settlements planted during this period, and unlike some of them, it survived and developed an identity.
+
+That identity centers on what locals call *the navigation tradition*: a disproportionate concentration of transit engineers, aperture surveyors, and gate-logistics specialists who have made Devereux Point one of the corridor's quietly essential technical resources. The system's loop position — equidistant between Kovács Loop and Relay 7, able to route traffic in either direction — means that Devereux is perpetually involved in everyone else's movement, and the community has organized itself around that function. The governing body, the **Transit Commission**, is technically an engineering body and in practice the government.
+
+The inhabited station, Devereux Platform, orbits a gas giant designated DP-Juno at a carefully maintained distance that the Transit Commission's founders calculated would minimize orbital perturbation over a five-hundred-year horizon. That the calculation turns out to have been correct is a point of civic pride the Commission mentions whenever the subject of institutional competence arises.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Devereux Point imports food staples and consumer goods through both its adjacent connections. Kovács Loop (GJ 784) is the primary transit path for agricultural commodities arriving from further inward — a flow that has been stable for over two hundred years and is considered a permanent feature of the corridor's logistics. Relay 7 (GJ 438) provides technical components and manufactured equipment through its corporate supply chains. Devereux's exports are almost entirely services: transit routing calculations, aperture survey data, and the engineering expertise of its population, which is in continuous demand throughout the corridor.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Transit Commission** governs through an internally elected board of registered engineering professionals. Membership in the Commission requires passing a three-tier certification examination — a system that has effectively restricted governance to the technical class for two centuries and produced administrators who are genuinely expert in their domain and genuinely uninterested in anyone who is not.
+
+**The Heritage Society** maintains Devereux Point's English and French cultural identity through language preservation programs, archive maintenance, and an annual survey commemoration. The Society has no political power and holds significant social influence; the two things are in tension in ways that surface periodically.
+
+**The Looper Guild** is an informal association of independent transit operators who use Devereux's loop position to operate shuttle and small-freight services between the three loop systems. The Guild's relationship with the Transit Commission is transactional and occasionally adversarial — the Commission sets fee structures, the Guild negotiates them.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The first generation: Devereux's founding records show a community of approximately 400 settlers who arrived with better equipment and more institutional support than most Wave 3 settlements. Where that support came from — which corporate or institutional entity funded what should have been an undercapitalized frontier posting — is not reflected in the public record. The Transit Commission maintains that early corporate partnerships were standard and unremarkable. Independent researchers note that the level of early infrastructure investment at Devereux Platform was atypical for a cross-corridor settlement with no obvious strategic value in its first decade.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The loop's geometry, Devereux's transit logs show, has shifted by a calculable fraction over three centuries — a drift no one can fully explain, and which the Transit Commission has been quietly compensating for in its routing calculations without filing a formal anomaly report.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The stub header specifies K-type while the star field shows "m" (lowercase, indicating M-type by catalog convention). The header K-type is preserved as the canonical identifier. Loop_member topology at hop 6 is consistent with a navigational waypoint system — the loop between Kovács Loop and Relay 7 gives Devereux strategic value disproportionate to its population. Wave_3 cross-corridor settlement is an acknowledged pattern in east_reach expansion history.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-124/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_166
+# Hạ Long
 **GJ 124** | M-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+Hạ Long is the kind of system that makes the corridor's age visible. Four hundred years of settlement, a G0V star that looks and behaves more like a young sun than most of what you find at this depth, and a through-route position that has put it at the crossroads of every wave of expansion and contraction the east_reach has experienced. The name comes from a bay on old Earth — a place of extraordinary limestone formations rising from shallow water, a landscape so unlikely it looked artificial — and the founders chose it because Hạ Long's outer gas giant has a ring system of unusual density and beauty that they found similarly disorienting. That gas giant, designated HL-Tienlong, is still the first thing arriving ships see, and it still stops people.
+
+The system's habitable world, Hạ Long Prime, is a terrestrial ocean world with elevated salinity and a complex hydrosphere that took the Wave 2 colonists two generations to learn to farm effectively. They learned it eventually. The aquaculture industry that emerged from that process is now four centuries old and produces export-grade protein concentrates that are found, under various trade labels, throughout the corridor's inner systems. The brand does not always say where the food came from, which suits Hạ Long's quiet relationship with its own supply chain.
+
+At hop 7, the Assembly is a concept more than an institution. There is no Assembly office at Hạ Long — the nearest one is inward at Yeongwol — and the administrative relationship with the broader Reach is managed through quarterly documentation filings, an annual census survey, and whatever visiting Assembly personnel happen to be transiting the through-route in either direction. The locals have had four hundred years to develop what they need without relying on external authority, and the governance structures they evolved reflect that. The **Hạ Long Directorate** is a small, professional body that runs the system's affairs with the confidence of an institution that stopped waiting for outside validation approximately three hundred and fifty years ago.
+
+The through-route connects inward to Yeongwol (GJ 268) and outward to GJ 482A, an unwritten stub system that marks the corridor's continued extension in this direction. Traffic has moved along this route continuously since the Wave 2 period, and the transit logs at Hạ Long's gate operations office represent one of the most complete unbroken transit records in this part of the corridor — four centuries of ships, cargoes, and people, recorded in a format that has been updated seventeen times but never purged.
+
+Vietnamese cultural heritage is the substrate of Hạ Long's identity in the way that a foundation is a substrate — mostly invisible, structurally essential, and only apparent when something strains against it. The language of commerce and governance is standard Reach Common, but the language of family and ceremony is Vietnamese, maintained through four hundred years of community transmission with a fidelity that linguists find remarkable for a population that has been absorbing transit immigrants since its founding.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Hạ Long is substantially self-sufficient in food production — the aquaculture complex and Prime's agricultural zones produce more than local consumption requires, and the surplus is exported inward. The system's dependencies are in manufacturing: heavy equipment, medical technology, and electronics all arrive from Yeongwol (GJ 268), which in turn sources them from further inward. The through-route position means Hạ Long has reasonable access to whatever transits the corridor, and the Directorate maintains strategic reserves calibrated to eighteen months of isolation — a standard that dates to a period two centuries ago when the inbound aperture required an extended closure for maintenance, and the community managed on its own for eleven months.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Hạ Long Directorate** is elected by professional registration — a modified version of the east_reach's meritocratic model adapted to a community that has been self-governing long enough to have developed strong institutional habits. The Directorate has seven directors, each with a portfolio, and a rotating chair. Institutional memory is deep; some of the procedural precedents the Directorate follows were established two centuries ago and have never been reviewed.
+
+**The Tienlong Observers** are a scientific community that has been studying HL-Tienlong's ring system continuously since the late Wave 2 period, making it one of the longest-running active research programs in the corridor. The observation record is a scientific asset of significant value, and the Observers have a relationship with the Directorate that is collegial in public and occasionally complicated in private, because the Observers' orbital access requirements and the gate operations office's transit management priorities don't always align.
+
+**The Keepers of the Crossing** are an informal civic organization that maintains the transit records and oral history of everything that has passed through Hạ Long's gates. The Keepers are not affiliated with the Directorate and resist any formalization, describing themselves as a community memory function rather than an institution. They know things the official record doesn't.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The gate operations archive: Hạ Long's transit logs are four centuries deep and, the Directorate has quietly confirmed to Assembly Intelligence on at least two occasions, available for review under appropriate authority. What the Directorate has not confirmed is the existence of a parallel archive maintained by the Keepers of the Crossing that includes observations, crew descriptions, and inferred cargo information that was never part of the official filing system. The parallel archive has been growing for approximately three hundred years. The Directorate knows it exists. The Assembly does not.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A ship whose official transit records place it at Hạ Long forty years ago has reappeared in the system with the same registry number, an impossibly young crew, and cargo that the Keepers' archive records as having been loaded at the outbound gate — not the inbound one.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The stub header specifies M-type while the star field shows G0V — a genuinely sun-like star at hop 7 is unusual and is treated as a narrative asset rather than an anomaly to be explained away. The wave_2 settlement at this hop reflects early corridor expansion; Hạ Long was established before the Assembly's administrative reach developed the structure it now has. Through_route topology connecting to Yeongwol (hop 6, this batch) and GJ 482A (stub) is topologically consistent. The system's self-sufficiency is a function of wave_2 age and the aquaculture adaptation story.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-136/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_060
+# Dài Lộ
 **GJ 136** | M-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,53 @@
 
 ---
 
+The name means "grand road" in Vietnamese, and whoever chose it four hundred years ago understood what they were marking. Dài Lộ sits at hop 8 from Gateway — the deepest system in this account of the east_reach corridor — and its through_route topology means that even here, at the frontier's organized edge, the road continues. One aperture connects inward to GJ 848 (Oshima's stub, the last system before this one). The other aperture connects to Murakami's Lantern (GJ 449), a Wave 5 Japanese-founded dead-end that shares very little with Dài Lộ except the aperture — forty years old against four centuries, culturally Japanese against culturally Vietnamese, and still working out whether it will survive long enough to develop the kind of settled identity that Dài Lộ takes for granted.
+
+This is the eastern edge of organized corridor civilization. The Assembly's authority here is, in the Reach's diplomatic language, "acknowledged in principle" — which means there is a formal registration of the system in the Assembly census, there are quarterly signal packets sent in both directions, and there is, somewhere in the Assembly's administrative structure, a portfolio that lists Dài Lộ as a member system. None of this constitutes governance in any meaningful operational sense. The **Tham Quan**, Dài Lộ's governing body — the name is Vietnamese for an inspection official, deliberately ironic — makes every consequential decision without reference to the Assembly and has done so for so long that the irony in the name has become sincere.
+
+Dài Lộ Primary is a temperate world with a G2V star — genuinely sun-like, warmer and brighter than most of what the corridor encounters at these distances — and the founders who settled it four hundred years ago knew they had found something rare. The early colonists were Vietnamese-heritage Wave 2 settlers pushing the corridor's frontier further than anyone had yet pushed it, funded by a combination of Assembly expansion grants and private capital whose sources the founding documentation describes vaguely. They built well. The infrastructure they installed is four hundred years old in its foundations and updated in its surfaces, and the city of Hải Cảng — the primary settlement, whose name means "sea port" in Vietnamese, though DL-Primary has no sea in the terrestrial ocean sense — has the layered architectural character of a place that has been continuously inhabited and continuously adapted.
+
+The corridor identity is strong but beginning to attenuate here in ways that are visible if you know what to look for. Vietnamese is the dominant cultural substrate, maintained through four centuries of community practice, but the population includes significant communities with Korean, Japanese, and Chinese heritage whose ancestors arrived as transit workers, contract laborers, or opportunistic settlers during various expansion periods and stayed. The blending is four centuries deep in places; there are Dài Lộ families who maintain three language traditions simultaneously and navigate between them depending on who is in the room.
+
+The through-route function makes Dài Lộ the supply gateway for Murakami's Lantern, which depends on goods and equipment sourced from further inward and transited through Dài Lộ's facilities. This dependency creates a relationship that Dài Lộ's traders describe as "mutual" and Murakami's Lantern's colonists experience as "essential" — a distinction that reflects the power asymmetry inherent in being the only system with an aperture to a forty-year-old frontier outpost that cannot source supplies from anywhere else.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Dài Lộ is substantially self-sufficient in agriculture and light manufacturing — a consequence of wave_2 age and the sustained development possible at a G2V system with a productive habitable world. The primary import dependencies are in heavy manufacturing equipment and advanced medical technology, sourced through GJ 848 and the inward corridor. Exports include agricultural surplus, manufactured components, and transit services for Murakami's Lantern's supply chain. The trade balance is positive; Dài Lộ has the economic characteristics of a mature frontier system that has been managing its own affairs long enough to develop a genuine productive base.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Tham Quan** is Dài Lộ's governing council — nine members elected by direct suffrage, with names and procedures that echo the corridor's broader meritocratic traditions while maintaining the distinct irreverence implied by the name. The Tham Quan debates substantive governance without reference to external authority and maintains a formal record of "Assembly correspondence acknowledged" that functions as a polite way of noting which Assembly directives were received and which were acted upon.
+
+**The Hải Cảng Merchant Association** is the oldest commercial institution in the system, four centuries of continuous operation having given it a degree of institutional weight that makes it effectively co-governing in economic matters. The Association's archives contain the most complete independent record of Dài Lộ's commercial history, including the transit records for everything that has passed through the system since its founding.
+
+**The Cultural Confluence Society** is a relatively recent institution — established approximately sixty years ago — dedicated to documenting and maintaining the multiple cultural traditions that have accumulated in the system over four centuries. The Society's work is analytical and ethnographic rather than preservationist in the strict sense; it is less interested in maintaining Vietnamese cultural purity than in accurately recording what Dài Lộ's culture has actually become.
+
+**The Frontier Compact** is an informal association of traders, operators, and independent settlement advocates who work the corridor's deep end — Dài Lộ, GJ 848, Murakami's Lantern, and the uncharted space beyond the last apertures. The Compact is the closest thing to a political voice for the idea that the corridor should continue to expand, and it operates with the confidence of people who understand that no one with formal authority is paying close enough attention to stop them.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The founding capital: Wave 2 settlement authorizations were Assembly-funded as a rule, but Dài Lộ's founding documentation shows a level of initial capital investment that exceeded the standard Wave 2 grant structure by approximately a factor of three. The private funding sources listed in the founding charter are described as "consortium investment under standard private development terms" — a phrase that appears in fewer than a dozen other Wave 2 founding documents, all of them associated with systems that subsequently developed unusual resource profiles or strategic corridor positions. What the consortium was, who its members were, and what return it expected have not been established by any public historical research.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A Frontier Compact navigator who has been pushing surveys beyond the last aperture returns to Dài Lộ with a chart showing an aperture reading that should not exist at that range — and with three missing crew members whose last recorded position was a coordinate that Dài Lộ's archive shows was flagged as anomalous in the original Wave 2 survey, then reclassified as instrument error, then removed from the public survey record entirely.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The stub header specifies M-type while the star field shows G2V — a genuinely sun-like star at hop 8 is the defining physical characteristic of this system and is treated as narratively significant. The header M-type is preserved as the canonical identifier per wiki convention. Wave_2 at hop 8 through_route represents the deepest confirmed organized settlement in the east_reach corridor — a community that has been operating at the frontier for four centuries. The through-route connecting to both GJ 848 (inward) and GJ 449 / Murakami's Lantern (outward dead-end) gives Dài Lộ its supply-gateway function. Assembly authority at this hop is acknowledged in principle only.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-268/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_175
+# Yeongwol
 **GJ 268** | M-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Yeongwol is the corridor in motion. Two apertures, one pointing back toward Miryang and one pointing deeper into unsettled space beyond — a community built around the fact that it is neither the beginning nor the end of anything, but the necessary middle. The name comes from a county in the Korean interior, a place historically known as somewhere travelers passed through on their way to somewhere else, and the founders of Yeongwol chose it with a self-awareness that three hundred years of history have justified.
+
+The system's star — a flare-active M5Ve — is aggressive enough that surface settlement was ruled out early. Everything is in orbit or shielded subsurface on the system's two rocky inner bodies. Yeongwol Orbital, the primary habitation structure, was designed by Wave 3 engineers who understood they were building for a community that would grow through transit rather than in-system expansion, and the station reflects that: it is long and modular, capable of extending berth capacity in either direction, and has in fact been extended fourteen times in three centuries. The oldest sections are noticeably dimmer than the new ones, lit with the amber-shifted spectrum that early wave_3 installations used before the corridor standardized its illumination protocols.
+
+The through-route function defines Yeongwol's political economy. Traffic moving outward from Miryang stops here to resupply, recalibrate gate readings, and file transit documentation. Traffic moving inward does the same in reverse. The **Yeongwol Passage Authority** — the governing body with the least glamorous mandate in the corridor — has turned this into a genuine power base by controlling the processing time and inspection standards for everything that passes through. Slow an outbound convoy by three days and someone notices. Slow it by three weeks and someone with money starts asking questions.
+
+Three hundred years of throughput have produced a community with more opinions about other people's business than their own. Yeongwol's civic culture is observant, analytical, and — in the east_reach's polite formulation — *highly informed*. The local networks carry more gossip about conditions in adjacent and distant systems than any other node in this part of the corridor. Whether this constitutes a community skill or a community pathology is a matter of perspective.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Yeongwol depends on Miryang (GJ 754) for agricultural commodities — a consistent flow given Miryang's established role as a corridor breadbasket. The through-route position means Yeongwol can also source opportunistically from transit traffic, buying from convoys at favorable rates in exchange for preferential processing times. The Passage Authority's informal "transit commodity exchange" operates in a legal gray zone the Assembly has declined to regulate, possibly because the Assembly's own supply logistics benefit from it.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Yeongwol Passage Authority** governs through a director-council structure that blends transit management and civic administration in ways that make it difficult to distinguish between a service body and a governing body. This ambiguity is a feature, not a bug; the Authority's founders were explicit about designing governance that could not be easily separated from the system's economic function.
+
+**The Transit Scholars** are an informal academic community that has evolved around Yeongwol's unique position as a through-route node. They study traffic patterns, corridor dynamics, and the sociology of transit communities — producing a body of literature that is respected in academic corridors and largely ignored in the systems it describes.
+
+**The Outer Trade Collective** represents merchants, couriers, and independent operators moving goods beyond Yeongwol toward the deeper corridor. The Collective has been lobbying the Passage Authority for a decade to improve facilities on the outbound side, arguing that the inbound processing infrastructure receives more investment than the outbound because the Authority's personnel have more personal connections with Miryang-facing traffic.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The inspection records: Yeongwol's Passage Authority maintains detailed logs of every transit that passes through the system, including cargo manifests, crew biometrics, and declared route plans. What the Authority does with that data — who has access to it, whether it is shared with Assembly Intelligence, whether it has been sold — is something the director-council discusses in closed session and does not publish. Three separate Freedom of Transit Act petitions have been filed in the past twenty years asking for access to the data governance policy. All three are pending.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A routine transit inspection at Yeongwol flags a cargo manifest whose declared contents don't match the weight readings — and the Passage Authority's response to the discrepancy, instead of escalating to Assembly inspection, is to quietly wave the convoy through with a notation that the scales were miscalibrated.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+M5Ve indicates an active flare star, which fully accounts for the orbital-only settlement pattern. Through_route topology at hop 6 is a natural extension of Miryang's position as a Korean corridor hub; Yeongwol represents the corridor continuing outward rather than terminating. The second adjacent connection (GJ 124, Hạ Long — hop 7) is the outbound gate, consistent with Yeongwol's function as the last established waypoint before the corridor's deeper Vietnamese-heritage systems.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-4285/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_056
+# Lam's Prospect
 **GJ 4285** | M-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Thanh Van Lam filed the initial survey report on GJ 4285 with the phrase "prospective resource value, pending extraction assessment" — bureaucratic language that subsequent generations compressed into a proper name and turned into an identity. Lam's Prospect. The name suggests something still in progress, a claim not yet fully realized, and after three hundred years the suggestion remains accurate in ways that would have embarrassed the original surveyor.
+
+The system has one gate, connecting to GJ 635B, and nothing beyond. A dead end in the most literal sense — transit traffic does not pass through, cannot pass through, and the community that grew up here has never been able to rely on throughput economics to supplement whatever it can extract from the system itself. What GJ 4285 offered was a promising deposit profile in its asteroid belt and a marginally habitable moon around its single gas giant. The asteroid mining went reasonably well. The moon colonization went acceptably. The combination has sustained a population of roughly 80,000 for three centuries without producing anything that could be called prosperity.
+
+Lam's Prospect is a quiet community in the way that isolated communities become quiet — not through serenity but through the gradual elimination of the kinds of internal friction that require population density and interconnection to sustain. Arguments that would run for decades in a corridor hub play out in a generation here and then become settled custom. The governing **Resource Council** is a practical body that debates extraction quotas and maintenance schedules rather than ideology, because ideology requires alternatives, and Lam's Prospect has not historically offered many.
+
+The Vietnamese founder heritage runs deep in ways that dead-end isolation tends to preserve rather than dilute. Three hundred years of limited immigration means the original cultural substrate has had less opportunity to diffuse; the community speaks a Vietnamese-inflected creole that linguists find fascinating and outsiders find impenetrable, maintains New Year traditions with a specificity that would surprise visitors from the corridor's more cosmopolitan hubs, and names its children from a pool of surnames that a genealogist could map back, in most cases, to the original 600 founders.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Lam's Prospect depends entirely on GJ 635B for manufactured goods, technical components, and specialized equipment. The single aperture is the community's lifeline and its vulnerability; any disruption to the GJ 635B connection would isolate Lam's Prospect completely. The asteroid mining operation exports refined ore and processed minerals through the same gate, providing the export value that funds the import dependency. The balance is perpetually precarious — extraction costs rise as the most accessible deposits are exhausted, and the Resource Council's long-range planning consistently shows a declining margin that the next generation will have to solve in ways this one has been deferring.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Resource Council** is Lam's Prospect's entire formal government, combining what would elsewhere be separate executive, economic, and administrative functions. It has twelve seats allocated by occupational category — mining, habitat maintenance, medical, education, logistics, and so on — and in practice operates by consensus rather than majority vote, because the community is small enough that a genuine political minority cannot long survive.
+
+**The Lam Foundation** maintains the community's cultural heritage: language preservation, genealogical records, historical archive, and the annual Founder's Day ceremony that marks the anniversary of Thanh Van Lam's survey filing rather than the more conventional settlement date. The Foundation has no political role and enormous social influence.
+
+**The Young Prospect** is an informal movement among the under-30 population that has been discussing, for approximately fifteen years, whether Lam's Prospect should petition the Assembly for transit infrastructure investment to develop GJ 635B's aperture connection into a better-resourced transit node. The Resource Council's position is that the petition would be denied and the attempt would signal weakness. The Young Prospect's position is that doing nothing signals resignation.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The extraction shortfall: Lam's Prospect's official production reports, filed annually with the Assembly's Resource Monitoring Division, show stable output figures that have not meaningfully declined in forty years. Independent analysis of the figures — which requires comparing them against shipping manifests filed at GJ 635B, a cross-referencing task that few people outside the system bother to perform — suggests that actual extraction output has been declining for at least twenty-five years and the reported figures are being smoothed. What the Resource Council is covering, and why, is not publicly known.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A geologist from an outer-corridor university arrives at Lam's Prospect to study the asteroid belt's unusual mineral composition and discovers, unexpectedly, that someone has already conducted a thorough survey — one that predates the Wave 3 settlement and appears in no official record.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+Dead_end topology with a single aperture to GJ 635B (an unwritten stub) is consistent with the wave_3 "speculative spur" pattern — founders pushed out along a surveyed route hoping the resource profile would justify the isolation. The Vietnamese founder heritage at a dead-end position mirrors similar patterns elsewhere in the corridor where cultural cohesion was both a survival asset and an isolation product. The Resource Council's combined executive/economic function is standard for dead-end communities below approximately 100,000 population.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-449/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# Zavijava
+# Murakami's Lantern
 **GJ 449** | binary-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+The survey team that found GJ 449 was led by Kenji Murakami, who described the binary star system in his initial report as "two points of light so close they resolve into one at approach distance, like a lantern held at the end of a long corridor." His team filed the aperture claim, noted the binary star configuration, recorded a potentially habitable inner body, and recommended the system for Wave 5 consideration. Murakami did not live to see the settlement; he died during the return transit, three years before the first colonists departed. The settlers named it for him anyway, keeping the "Lantern" as the evocative half of an increasingly accurate description.
+
+Murakami's Lantern is forty years old at most. The Wave 5 settlement was authorized under a fast-track provision for potentially habitable systems within existing aperture reach, and the first colonists arrived knowing they were building at the end of a single-gate dead end, seven hops from Gateway, at a binary star system that nobody had actually characterized in detail before they committed to living there. The early years were difficult in ways that Wave 5 settlements often are, and in ways specific to this system: the binary component's tidal effects on the inner habitable body, LH-Prime, produce seismic cycles that the original survey had flagged as "manageable" and which the colonists quickly reclassified as "foundational constraint."
+
+The current population is approximately 12,000, living in a combination of reinforced surface installations and a partially-completed orbital habitat. The surface installations were built to seismic tolerances that the colonists calculated themselves, because nobody else was available to calculate them and the engineers on the founding team were competent. The orbital habitat is scheduled for completion in approximately eight years, at which point a portion of the surface population will relocate, but "approximately" is doing a lot of work in that sentence; the construction timeline has slipped four times.
+
+The Assembly's presence is a quarterly signal packet and a three-year-old standing authorization for "emergency resource assistance if requested." No resource assistance has been requested, partly because the colonists know it would take at least a year to arrive and partly because requesting it would require admitting publicly that the situation warranted it.
+
+The single aperture connects to Dài Lộ (GJ 136), a Wave 2 through-route that provides access to the inward corridor via GJ 848. This topology produces a supply chain that is both long and thin — everything Murakami's Lantern cannot produce locally must transit through Dài Lộ — and the colonists are intensely aware of both characteristics.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Murakami's Lantern depends on Dài Lộ (GJ 136) for essentially everything manufactured: construction materials, electronics, medical equipment, food supplements, and the specialized seismic-monitoring technology that the colony requires as basic infrastructure. Dài Lộ itself sources from further inward, making the effective supply chain six or more hops long. The colony's own exports are minimal — early-stage mineral surveys, some biological samples from LH-Prime's unusual ecology, and a small amount of raw ore that barely covers transit costs. The colony is operating at a structural deficit that was planned for in the initial authorization and is becoming an increasing topic of internal discussion as the five-year plan runs long.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Founding Council** is a thirteen-member body that was established by the original settlement charter and has not yet had cause to revise its structure. All thirteen members of the original Founding Council arrived on the first colonist vessel; the Council is currently in its second generation of membership as original founders have died or retired. The governance culture is intensely practical — the Council debates supply logistics and construction priorities far more than anything resembling political ideology.
+
+**The Murakami Memorial Society** was established in the colony's fifth year to maintain the historical record of the founding and the memory of the survey team. In a community forty years old, "history" and "living memory" overlap significantly, and several Society members are direct relatives of Founding Council members, which creates occasional complications.
+
+**The Engineers' Collective** is an informal association of the colony's technical specialists that has accumulated significant practical authority by virtue of being the people who actually solve the seismic, construction, and infrastructure problems. The Collective's relationship with the Founding Council is cooperative and occasionally strained — the engineers sometimes know that a plan won't work before the Council has finished authorizing it.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The habitability assessment: the original survey team's recommendation that LH-Prime was habitable was based on six weeks of orbital observation. The seismic cycling that the colonists discovered in their first year was detectable in that data — a fact that the colony's engineers established by reviewing the original survey materials, which are held in the colony archive. Whether the survey team missed it, downplayed it to secure authorization, or flagged it in a report that was edited before filing is something the Founding Council has not pursued, partly because Murakami is dead and partly because the answer would not change the seismic cycles.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A survey vessel arrives at Murakami's Lantern carrying an original copy of Kenji Murakami's private field notes — not the official report — which describe the inner habitable body in terms that suggest the survey team found something on the surface that does not appear anywhere in any official document.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The stub header and system-level data both specify binary-type, but the star field shows F8V, a single-star classification. This is preserved as-is per READ-ONLY rules. Wave_5 dead-end at hop 7 represents the corridor's active frontier — a system settled within living memory that is still working out what it is. The single aperture to Dài Lộ (GJ 136, hop 8) creates a hop-distance anomaly: Murakami's Lantern at hop 7 is a dead-end off a hop 8 system, meaning the only route to the wider Reach runs through a system with a higher hop count. This is a data-level oddity preserved per READ-ONLY rules and flagged here for consistency.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-541/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# Arcturus
+# Chandra Deep
 **GJ 541** | G-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+The question that Chandra Deep's existence poses to anyone who looks at the corridor's settlement map is simple: how did an Indian-founded community end up here, four hundred years ago, seven hops from Gateway, at the dead end of a spur in what would become the east_reach's Korean and Vietnamese corridor? The community itself has had four hundred years to develop answers, and the answers it has developed are part of what defines it.
+
+The system's founder, Priya Chandrasekhar, was a Wave 2 survey engineer who had spent fifteen years working corridor expansion routes before filing the aperture claim on GJ 541. Her survey report described the system's K2IIIp subgiant — brighter and more evolved than a typical habitable-zone host — as "a sun that has grown old gracefully, still warm enough for what we need." The inner habitable world, CD-Prime, sits at the outer edge of the adjusted habitable zone and is cold by the standards of warmer-star systems, with long winters and a growing season that the first colonists found challenging. They developed agricultural techniques specific to the conditions and then, with the self-contained logic of isolated communities, decided those techniques were a point of pride.
+
+Chandrasekhar came from a family with roots in the Indian scientific community, and the settlement she founded carried that orientation into its institutional character. Chandra Deep's governing body, the **Scientific Council**, is one of the oldest continuously operating research governance structures in this part of the corridor, and its founding charter explicitly states that the system's primary purpose is to advance knowledge — a statement that the Council's critics describe as a convenient rationale for not producing things other systems need, and that the Council's supporters describe as a principle that has sustained a community for four centuries without requiring it to compromise its values.
+
+The "Deep" in the name carries three registers simultaneously: the physical depth in the corridor, the depth of isolation at a dead-end seven hops from the center, and the intellectual depth that the community's identity is built around. Chandra Deep's population — approximately 200,000, which is large for a dead-end system at this hop distance — has produced a disproportionate number of scientists, engineers, and academics who have worked throughout the Reach, creating an invisible network of former Chandra Deep residents who maintain connections to the home system with the particular intensity of people who left somewhere they couldn't stay but didn't stop loving.
+
+The Indian cultural heritage is the visible thread through four hundred years of history. Tamil, Hindi, and Bengali are all living languages in the community, maintained through institutional language programs and family transmission. The system's major civic festivals map to a synthesized calendar that preserves Diwali, Pongal, Eid ul-Fitr, and Christmas in forms that have evolved through four centuries of a community far from the cultures that generated them, becoming something that is clearly descended from all of them and identical to none.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Chandra Deep's single aperture connects to GJ 432A, an unwritten stub system. All supply imports and exports transit through that connection. The Scientific Council's long-standing policy of prioritizing self-sufficiency means CD-Prime's agricultural and manufacturing base is more developed than typical for a dead-end system, but specific categories remain import-dependent: high-precision laboratory equipment, advanced computational hardware, and pharmaceutical compounds with complex synthesis requirements. Exports are primarily intellectual — published research, trained personnel, and consulting services — plus moderate quantities of specialized cold-climate agricultural products. The trade balance is historically positive but narrows as the research establishment's equipment needs become more specialized.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Scientific Council** governs Chandra Deep through a body of twelve elected members with divided portfolios. Elections are open to all adult residents but candidates must meet a minimum research publication or professional certification standard — a requirement that has been challenged twice in the Council's history and upheld both times on the grounds that it is consistent with the founding charter. The Council's decisions are thorough and sometimes slow; it is an institution that values deliberation and treats urgency as a category to be skeptical of.
+
+**The Cultural Preservation Board** manages Chandra Deep's multilingual and multireligious heritage, coordinating the civic calendar, maintaining language education programs, and producing the annual **Founders' Chronicle** — a document that is simultaneously a cultural artifact and a political document, because it frames which aspects of the founders' heritage are considered definitive for the community's identity.
+
+**The Deep Network** is an informal association of former Chandra Deep residents currently working elsewhere in the Reach. The Network maintains regular contact with the home system, facilitates the return of researchers who want to come back, and provides a degree of corridor-wide intelligence about conditions in other systems that the Scientific Council has, over time, learned to find useful.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The founding negotiation: Priya Chandrasekhar's decision to settle in what was becoming the east_reach's Korean and Vietnamese corridor — rather than the corridor developing concurrently in what would become the Indian-heritage regions of the southwest_reach — was the subject of discussion in the wave_2 settlement authority records. The specific correspondence between Chandrasekhar and the Wave 2 Expansion Authority about site selection has not been fully published; the portions that have been released are heavily redacted. The conventional explanation is that Chandrasekhar simply took the best available aperture reading she found. Community historians who have tried to reconstruct the decision consistently find that the redacted correspondence contains more than a site-selection discussion.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A researcher from the Deep Network, working at a corridor hub seven hops from Chandra Deep, discovers that Priya Chandrasekhar's original survey reports reference an anomalous reading in the system's outer belt that she classified as instrument error — and that three subsequent surveys of the same coordinates, filed by different teams over four hundred years, contain the same anomaly classified the same way.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The stub header specifies G-type while the star field shows K2IIIp — a subgiant, brighter and more evolved than a main-sequence G. The header G-type is preserved as canonical. The cross-corridor Indian founder heritage at a dead-end hop 7 position is treated as a deliberate historical anomaly with institutional memory, not a mapping error. Wave_2 at dead_end produces a community that is old, self-contained, and has had centuries to develop its own institutional character without external disruption.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-625/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_021
+# Songjiang
 **GJ 625** | K-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Four hundred years ago, a survey vessel out of Jinghu followed a promising aperture reading into an unnamed system and found three rocky planets, two of them in a temperature band that the survey team's biologist described as "generous." The team leader, a Shanghainese engineer named Wei Songjiang, filed a settlement-priority claim under her own name, as was common in the Wave 2 expansion period when the corridor was moving fast and naming conventions were fluid. Later settlers shortened it: they lived in Songjiang, the pine-river system, and the name acquired a completeness that the bureaucratic form never quite captured.
+
+Songjiang is one of the oldest systems in this part of the corridor, settled before the east_reach's character fully solidified — old enough that its institutions predate several of the governance conventions it now practices, and old enough that its relationship with the Assembly has passed through multiple complete cycles of proximity, friction, and managed distance. The Assembly has a physical presence here, an **Assembly Coordination Office** in the capital of Songjiang Primary, staffed by six rotating personnel who handle documentation, petition routing, and what they carefully describe as "facilitative oversight." The local government is polite to them and does not ask their opinions about anything consequential.
+
+The system's two inhabited worlds have developed distinct characters over four centuries. Songjiang Primary is the administrative and commercial center: a temperate terrestrial with a population of approximately two million, a functioning industrial base, and the kind of civic density that produces universities, professional associations, and a local press worth reading. Songjiang Secondary is an agricultural world with a cooler climate and a population that is, per capita, more conservative, more culturally homogeneous, and less interested in Assembly politics than its sister world. The tension between the two populations is the durable background note of Songjiang's political life.
+
+The spur extension — the outbound gate to GJ 423A — is something Songjiang invested in during its third century, when the population had grown large enough to want expansion options. GJ 423A is a partially settled stub system, sparsely populated, whose residents identify more strongly with Songjiang than with any other system. This informal dependency mirrors the relationship between Songjiang and Jinghu, which Songjiang simultaneously benefits from and resents.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Songjiang's industrial base is self-sufficient in most basic manufacturing categories, which is one of the things that distinguishes a wave_2 spur terminus from a more recent settlement. The primary import dependency is in high-precision electronics and specialized pharmaceutical compounds, sourced through Jinghu (GJ 445), which in turn sources them from further inward along the corridor. Songjiang exports food surpluses (primarily from Secondary) and manufactured equipment that is in demand at less developed spur systems further out. The balance is positive; Songjiang is a net exporter by value.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Dual Council** is Songjiang's governing structure — a joint body with elected representatives from both Primary and Secondary in a proportional weighting that has been renegotiated four times in four hundred years and is currently renegotiation-pending for the fifth time, as Primary's population advantage continues to grow. Secondary's bloc holds enough votes to block constitutional amendments, which is the source of Primary's frustration and Secondary's leverage.
+
+**The Wei Foundation** is a cultural and academic institution maintaining the historical record of Songjiang's founding period. Unlike similar organizations in younger systems, the Wei Foundation has four centuries of archive depth, including primary materials from the wave_2 expansion that are of significant interest to historians of the broader corridor. The Foundation charges for archival access and does significant business with academic researchers.
+
+**The Outer Coordination Bureau** manages Songjiang's relationships with GJ 423A and other stub systems that fall within Songjiang's informal economic sphere. The Bureau describes its function as "administrative facilitation." Systems within its sphere describe it as "unavoidable."
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The original claim documents: Wei Songjiang's initial settlement-priority filing, and the correspondence between her survey team and the Wave 2 Expansion Authority regarding the terms of that claim, are held in the Wei Foundation's restricted archive. What the documents apparently contain — based on references in other period correspondence that researchers have located — is a dispute about whether the survey team discovered evidence of prior habitation in the system and how that evidence was classified. The Wei Foundation describes the restricted materials as "legally sensitive due to ongoing descendant rights questions." No court has yet compelled disclosure.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A researcher studying wave_2 founding claims identifies a discrepancy between Wei Songjiang's official survey report and a private letter she wrote to her sister that survived in a separate archive, in which she describes finding "something in the third orbit that cannot have been natural" — a phrase that does not appear anywhere in the official documentation.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The header specifies K-type while the star field shows M2 — the header identifier is preserved as canonical per wiki convention. Wave_2 spur_end with two apertures is consistent with an old, well-established system that grew into its second connection rather than founding with it. The dual-world settlement pattern is plausible at wave_2 timescale — four hundred years is sufficient to develop two inhabited worlds from a double-habitable system. The Assembly's reduced presence (six personnel) at a wave_2 system reflects the standard institutional thinning at hop 6.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-79/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_131
+# Oshima
 **GJ 79** | M-type | east_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Oshima is a Japanese island name — one of several in the archipelago tradition, meaning literally "large island" — and the founders chose it for a reason that would have been obvious to anyone who arrived in the system three hundred years ago and still registers on clear days: GJ 79's inner rocky world, now called Oshima Prime, is visible from the gate approach as a pale tan disk banded with cloud, isolated in a dim stellar neighborhood, and undeniably island-like. The founders were Wave 3 settlers from what had been, a century earlier, a Japanese-founded section of the middle corridor, pushing the spur further outward from what is now known as Tanaka Station, and they were people who understood that a name is a claim about what kind of place you intend to make.
+
+The spur runs inward to GJ 555 (Tanaka Station) and has its terminus here. The second aperture leads outward to GJ 848, an unwritten stub system with limited habitation, which functions as a resource extraction site that Oshima administers under a renewable operating charter. The "spur_end" designation in formal classification means this is the end of an organized route; what lies beyond GJ 848 is uncharted within current survey depth.
+
+Oshima Prime is a cool terrestrial with a thin but breathable atmosphere maintained by the system's terraforming infrastructure, which is three hundred years old and requires continuous maintenance. The maintenance burden is not trivial — approximately 8% of Oshima's active working population is employed directly in atmospheric management — and it is the source of the community's most persistent political tension, because atmospheric maintenance is expensive, non-negotiable, and produces nothing that anyone can hold in their hands.
+
+The Japanese cultural heritage of the founding population has been sustained through three centuries in the way that spur-end communities sustain their heritage: with intensity proportional to isolation. The distance from Japan in any meaningful cultural sense is vast and irrelevant; what Oshima maintains is not Japan but Oshima's idea of Japan, a thing constructed from three hundred years of preserved language, transmitted festival practice, and the particular poetry that communities generate when they are far from home and defining home for themselves. The **Oshima Cultural Registry** maintains language certification, and passing the registry's Japanese language examination is a requirement for civic service — one of the more explicit forms of cultural gatekeeping in this part of the corridor.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Oshima depends on Tanaka Station (GJ 555) for manufactured goods and technical components, a supply relationship that has been stable since the founding period. The atmospheric maintenance infrastructure creates a specific and ongoing import requirement for specialized chemical compounds and mechanical components that Oshima cannot manufacture at sufficient precision locally. Oshima exports rare-earth minerals from GJ 848 extraction operations and a modest amount of precision-machined components from a light manufacturing sector that has developed around the maintenance engineering culture. The trade balance is approximately neutral but sensitive to shifts in atmospheric compound pricing, which Oshima cannot control.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+**The Island Council** is Oshima's elected governing body — seven members, island-wide suffrage, three-year terms. The Council's structure is straightforward; its politics are not. The atmospheric maintenance funding debate surfaces in every electoral cycle, with candidates dividing roughly into factions favoring continued investment in atmosphere infrastructure versus factions arguing for transition to sealed-habitat living that would reduce the maintenance burden at the cost of the surface environment that defines Oshima's character.
+
+**The Oshima Cultural Registry** controls civic service access through its language certification system and maintains the cultural archive. The Registry's director sits on the Island Council as a non-voting cultural advisor — a position established by the founding charter and resented by a growing minority of residents who consider the language requirement exclusionary.
+
+**The GJ 848 Operators** are the consortium of extraction operators who work the stub system under Oshima's administrative charter. The Operators contribute significantly to Oshima's export income and have used that contribution to build an informal political weight within the Council that the Operators' own leadership is careful not to make too visible.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The atmospheric models: Oshima's terraforming infrastructure was installed three hundred years ago and has been continuously updated, but the base models that underlie all maintenance calculations have never been independently audited. The Island Council's atmospheric engineering division maintains those models and controls access to them. When a University of Tanaka research team applied three decades ago to conduct an independent assessment of atmospheric stability projections, the Council declined on "infrastructure security" grounds. The engineering division's most recent internal projection — which was leaked in partial form to a local news service twelve years ago — showed a divergence between current maintenance capacity and long-term atmospheric stability requirements that was larger than the Council had publicly acknowledged.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A retiring member of the atmospheric engineering division leaves Oshima and makes contact with the University of Tanaka research team that was refused access thirty years ago, offering to share the internal atmospheric models — and what those models imply about how much time the surface environment actually has.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+K5/M0V is a boundary classification between late K and early M type; the M-type header designation is consistent with the star field's spectral range. Spur_end with two apertures — one to Tanaka Station (GJ 555, written) and one to GJ 848 (stub) — produces the topology of a system that is the end of an organized route but not the end of all activity; the GJ 848 connection represents informal extension beyond the spur terminus. Wave_3 Japanese heritage at hop 7 is consistent with the corridor's mid-wave expansion pushing outward from earlier Japanese-founded nodes.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->