feat(docs): write west_reach inner ring wiki pages (batch 3, hops 3-5)

10 systems: Caldwell Point, Grünfeld, Solheim, Kapteyn's Star,
Brennan's Drift, Voss, Port Mäkelä, Dokkum, Neustadt, Kraków Junction.
Paula review fixes applied: Kapteyn's Star topology corrected (Caldwell
Point not adjacent), routing directionality fixed in Brennan's Drift,
spur_end definition corrected in Port Mäkelä, Solheim calibration note
cleaned, Dokkum food transit clarified.

Co-Authored-By: Claude Opus 4.6 <noreply@anthropic.com>

wiki/star-systems/GJ-1/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_044
+# Grünfeld
 **GJ 1** | M-type | west_reach
 
 ---
@@ -15,19 +15,34 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Grünfeld's name is aspirational in the way that many Wave 4 settlement names are: the founding consortium called it "green field" and meant it literally, having surveyed a habitable body with soil conditions that could, with significant amendment and infrastructure investment, support agriculture. They were not wrong. They were also not as right as the name implies.
+
+The soil amendment took two generations. The crops that eventually took hold are a narrow list suited to a dim M-dwarf environment with limited photosynthetic flux: modified root vegetables, a few grain varieties developed specifically for low-light growing cycles, and fungi operations that are insensitive to the light environment entirely. Grünfeld feeds itself and exports a modest surplus — mushroom products and specialty root varieties that have found a niche in the western corridor's food supply. It is not Ran. It is not trying to be. But a loop member that can supply its own food is notably more stable than one that cannot, and Grünfeld's slow agricultural development has produced a population with a genuine stake in the land in a way that purely extractive settlements do not.
+
+The system's position on the Caldwell Point loop creates a dependency relationship: most finished goods arrive via Caldwell Point, and most export freight routes back through it. GJ 783A, the loop's other neighbor, is a quieter community that trades agricultural goods with Grünfeld on barter terms.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+Grünfeld is governed by an elected council with strong representation from the agricultural cooperatives that collectively own most of the arable land. The cooperatives were established early in Wave 4 as a practical necessity — individual settlers lacked the capital to run soil amendment operations at scale — and they have become the system's primary political institution over time. Council membership tracks cooperative leadership closely enough that the two bodies are functionally the same community of people, which produces efficient governance and limited opposition.
+
+The Guardians of Autonomy have a small chapter here that is unusual in its focus: most Guardian chapters in the west corridor work on corporate labor questions, but Grünfeld's chapter is primarily concerned with land tenure and the slow process by which the largest cooperative has been acquiring land from the smallest ones through preferential credit arrangements. It is a quiet concern, not a political crisis. The largest cooperative is locally governed and not affiliated with any outer-corridor corporate structure, which makes the Guardians' case harder to argue.
+
+Assembly presence at hop 4 is structural — delegates visit annually, assessment payments are made, there are no active compliance issues. The cooperatives do not have strong Assembly opinions either way; their primary political horizon is the loop.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Grünfeld does not examine: the soil rights register and the slow consolidation happening within it.
+
+The original Wave 4 land grants distributed agricultural parcels across several dozen founding families and a handful of incorporated cooperatives. The largest cooperative — the Grünfeld Agricultural Consortium — has been acquiring distressed parcels through debt-consolidation arrangements for approximately sixty years. The register is public but complex, and the pattern is not obvious without analysis spanning the full document set. The sellers are families whose second or third generation found the agricultural life less appealing than the founding generation did and accepted buyout terms that seemed reasonable at the time. Whether the Consortium's accumulation will eventually produce a governance capture situation — where the cooperative holding most of the land also holds most of the council seats — is the question the current council is not asking.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+Three generations of patient land acquisition have put one cooperative within a few contested parcels of controlling everything a loop-system's council needs to govern with, and the families selling the last parcels do not fully understand what they are selling.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+`wave_4` at hop 4 is slightly later than might be expected for a system this close to Gateway, which reflects the M2V star's dim output limiting agricultural viability until adapted crop varieties made the economics work. The aspirational German name is consistent with the west_reach corridor tendency and with the founding-intention naming pattern — this is what the settlers hoped to build, carried as a name. `loop_member` topology creates the dependency on Caldwell Point and the relationship with GJ 783A that defines the system's economic horizon. No corporate industrial presence means governance has stayed local, which is characteristic of agricultural Wave 4 systems throughout the corridor.
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-1116B/index.md

@@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_254
-**GJ 1116B** | binary-type | west_reach
+# Kraków Junction
+**GJ 1116B** | M-type | west_reach
 
 ---
 
@@ -15,19 +15,38 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Kraków Junction is named for a Polish city — one of Central Europe's oldest continuously inhabited urban centers, a place that survived conquest, partition, and occupation by repeatedly becoming indispensable to whatever power controlled the surrounding territory. The Wave 3 founders chose the name deliberately. They were Polish and Czech-heritage settlers who had tracked the gate topology carefully before committing to this position, recognized that a three-aperture junction at hop 5 connecting GJ 3454, GJ 631, and GJ 896A would carry traffic regardless of which corridor or faction held the systems around it, and named their home after a city that had made the same calculation on Earth.
+
+The calculation has held. Kraków Junction sits at the intersection of two distinct west_reach branch paths. Traffic moving between the inner corridor's deep west connections and the outer systems beyond GJ 3454 passes through here or routes around a significant detour. Goods moving between the GJ 631 branch and either of the other two paths require Kraków Junction as an intermediate. The system is not as large as Hansestadt and makes no claim to match it; it is a mid-corridor junction that handles the volume its topology generates and makes a stable economy from it.
+
+The export profile is transit services: bunkering, warehousing, transit documentation, crew services. The system imports food from the inner corridor and has no significant production exports. At hop 5, this is a sustainable model; further out, it would be precarious without the triple-aperture traffic volume supporting the service economy.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The Central European founding character — Polish, Czech, and a smaller Hungarian stream — is more visible at Kraków Junction than corridor-dominant Germanic heritage because the founders were settlers of deliberate choice who brought institutional structures from their heritage rather than adopting the corridor's emerging governance forms. The result is a civic culture with a specific character: formal public debate, strong municipal governance traditions, a preference for decisions made in front of audiences rather than in back rooms. The Kraków Council — a deliberate reference to the city's historical governance tradition — is the system's primary civic body, and its sessions are public, recorded, and genuinely attended by residents in a way that is unusual for a system of this size.
+
+The Polish and Czech cultural heritage remains visible in the naming of districts, streets, and civic buildings, in the language conventions used in formal governance sessions, and in the food culture that has persisted through three hundred years of mixed-heritage arrivals. The heritage shows most clearly in the institutional architecture of governance rather than in the daily cultural texture, because governance is where deliberate founding choices leave the longest marks.
+
+Gate Corporation has a junction-appropriate operational base here — not as large as Kapteyn's Star's, but significantly larger than a loop-member presence. The Gate Corp staff number in the low hundreds and have their own residential district that the Kraków Council administers under a protocol negotiated with Gate Corp's regional management. The protocol has been revised three times; each revision involved the public sessions that characterize the Council's governance style, which Gate Corp's regional management has found alternately admirable and exhausting.
+
+MVG's supply chain reaches this far through a logistics contract with the system's warehousing cooperative. The contract covers forwarding services — MVG goods in transit, not locally produced materials — and gives MVG preferential routing through Kraków Junction's Gate Corp-managed scheduling queue. The Council debated this contract publicly for eight months before approving it. The vote was close.
+
+The Assembly's presence at hop 5, junction topology, is institutional — stronger than at dead-end systems at comparable distance, weaker than at inner-orbit junctions. An Assembly delegate maintains a permanent office here, which is unusual for this hop depth. The delegate's presence reflects the Assembly's recognition that Kraków Junction's traffic volume makes it worth maintaining an institutional footprint. The Kraków Council uses the delegate's presence as a resource rather than resenting it — they are reliably the first west_reach council to formally raise corridor-wide economic grievances through Assembly channels when other systems are still deciding whether to complain at all.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Kraków Junction does not examine in its otherwise open governance: the terms of the routing priority agreement within the MVG forwarding contract, and specifically how those terms interact with the independent operators who move goods through the junction.
+
+The MVG forwarding contract includes a scheduling priority provision that was approved during the eight-month public debate under the framing of "preferential commercial routing." The specific priority structure — which gives MVG-affiliated freight priority in the Gate Corp scheduling queue over independent operators with equivalent or higher volumes — was presented in summary form during the public debate rather than in the full contract language. The Council voted on the summary. Several independent operators who transit regularly through Kraków Junction have since reported queue delays that are consistent with the priority provision's operation but inconsistent with the transit timeline projections the Council used in its approval vote. Whether the Council was given inaccurate projections, or whether the Council gave the public an inaccurate summary, is a question that the governance transparency traditions here make more awkward to suppress than it would be elsewhere, which is why it has not been suppressed so much as deferred, repeatedly, through procedural mechanisms that the Council's own rules provide for.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The junction that named itself after a city that survived by being indispensable approved an MVG routing contract in public, and the public did not receive the part of the contract that explains why the independent operators have been waiting longer ever since.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+Polish/Czech/Hungarian founding heritage is consistent with the Central European stream described in the west_reach corridor framework — a cultural presence within the broader Germanic tendency that represents the eastern flank of Central European migration. The naming of the system after Kraków is a direct Earth-geography transplant, which is appropriate for a Wave 3 founding population that was deliberate about its cultural identity and institutional inheritance. "Junction" as a modifier is functional and honest — the system's significance is topological, and the founders knew it. The small M-type classification (lowercase "m" in the catalog, consistent with a dim M-dwarf) is unremarkable; the system's significance is entirely structural. `wave_3` settlement with junction topology reflects deliberate early siting by settlers who read the gate charts and chose their position strategically.
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-19/index.md

@@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_128
-**GJ 19** | K-type | west_reach
+# Solheim
+**GJ 19** | G-type | west_reach
 
 ---
 
@@ -15,19 +15,34 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+The star makes the system. GJ 19 is a G2 subgiant — evolved past the main sequence, luminous and warm in a way that almost nothing else along the western branch manages to be. Against a corridor of M-dwarfs and cool K-types, the light at Solheim is noticeably different: brighter skies, a habitable zone at comfortable distance, growing seasons long enough to support field agriculture without genetic modification. The Wave 3 founders noticed. The name they chose — Solheim, sun-home — was an accurate description of why they came.
+
+Solheim is the western corridor's most productive agricultural system outside the very inner orbit. It exports grain, processed food products, and biological feedstocks to the loop's neighbors and to Caldwell Point for onward routing. GJ 506 (Dokkum), the loop's outward connection, receives regular food shipments that support Dokkum's more industrial population. The dependency is acknowledged; Solheim does not use it as leverage but is aware that it could.
+
+The subgiant classification carries a caveat that the founding generation understood and the current population mostly does not think about: G2IV stars are leaving the main sequence. The habitable zone will shift inward as the star expands over the coming hundreds of millions of years. This is not a settlement-timescale concern. But the astronomical surveys filed with the Lattice Commission contain projections that the commission has flagged as informational and that no one in Solheim's governance has read.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+Solheim is one of the more prosperous mid-hop west_reach systems, and prosperity here has produced the thing prosperity often produces: a settled establishment that is comfortable with how things are and cautious about change. The elected council draws heavily from the major farming families who arrived in Wave 3 and have held land since. The council is genuinely democratic — elections happen, results are accepted — but the pool from which candidates emerge is narrow enough that the council's character has been consistent for six generations.
+
+MVG has a supply relationship with Solheim's agricultural processing sector — not a manufacturing presence, but a long-term food supply contract that routes agricultural product to MVG's working-population systems in the inner corridor. The contract terms are not publicly known. What is known is that the terms have been renewed continuously for one hundred and twenty years and that the council has never opened them to competitive renegotiation. Whether this reflects a genuinely favorable arrangement or an incumbency relationship that has outlasted its utility is a question that does not get raised in council.
+
+The Veil Institute has a small research station here — one of several across the corridor — studying the agricultural systems adapted to subgiant irradiation. The researchers are transient; the station is permanent; the data it generates is not shared with the local university.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Solheim does not examine: the terms of the MVG food supply contract and what those terms have cost the system in opportunity over a century of continuous renewal.
+
+The contract predates most current council members' careers. The families who negotiated the original arrangement are still present — some are Perpetual-class, carrying the decision forward personally. The terms were favorable at inception. Whether they remain favorable at current food market prices, compared to what competitive bidding might generate, is an analysis the council has declined to commission. The families who negotiated the original deal are the same families who sit on the council. The analysis, if it were done, would constitute a judgment on their predecessors' work. Possibly their own.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The most productive agricultural system in this branch of the western corridor has been selling its output on a century-old contract to an MVG supply chain, and the founding families who negotiated that arrangement are still in council, still renewing it, and still unreachable on the subject of whether it could be renegotiated.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+G2IV is a subgiant — evolved past the main sequence, with a wider habitable zone and brighter output than any main-sequence star in this corridor band. The name "Solheim" specifically references the sun-quality of this star, which would be meaningless applied to a K or M-type. The Norwegian founding heritage is consistent with the Scandinavian cultural stream in the west_reach corridor. `wave_3` settlement is correct for a system with this quality of habitable environment — the good conditions were identified early and settled deliberately. `loop_member` at hop 4 with an agricultural character makes this a supply node for the loop rather than a through-route industrial system. The MVG supply relationship extends the MVG corridor's economic reach through agricultural contracts rather than manufacturing, which is consistent with how the corridor operates in the inner hops.
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-191/index.md

@@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
 # Kapteyn's Star
-**GJ 191** | unusual-type | west_reach
+**GJ 191** | M-type | west_reach
 
 ---
 
@@ -15,19 +15,36 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Kapteyn's Star sits at the junction of two major west_reach traffic flows. One aperture connects to Ross 154, where the corridor's three western branches converge. One aperture connects to Hansestadt — the six-gate hub at hop 5 that is the commercial center of the entire western sector. One aperture connects outward to Port Mäkelä on a spur branch. The system's position between Ross 154 and Hansestadt makes it a chokepoint: nearly all traffic between the inner west and the Hansestadt hub passes through here.
+
+The system's economic base is transit services. Three-junction convergence at this hop distance produces a predictable commercial ecosystem: fuel bunkering, crew rotation, freight consolidation, customs facilitation, short-term warehousing for goods awaiting onward routing. None of these are high-value industries in isolation. In aggregate, across the volume of a junction that sits between two major nodes, they represent significant economic throughput. Kapteyn's Star does not manufacture anything worth noting. It handles everything.
+
+The system imports food primarily from Solheim, routed inward through Caldwell Point and Ross 154. Energy and processing capacity are locally adequate; the M0V star is unremarkable but stable and the transit infrastructure was built with the system's energy budget in mind.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The system carries its astronomical name — not a settlement name given by founders, but the catalog identifier of an M-dwarf star that Dutch astronomer Jacobus Kapteyn catalogued in the early twentieth century, known even before the gate network for its unusually high proper motion. The retention of the astronomical name was itself a decision: the Wave 4 founders arrived to find the star's name already in use in transit coordinates and simply kept it. The name fits the Germanic corridor without effort — a Dutch scientist, a tradition of systematic observation, a precision-minded practical sensibility. No one planned this congruence. It is the kind of accident that becomes meaning over time.
+
+The operational governance is a familiar west_reach pattern: an elected Transit Authority board manages the junction's commercial and scheduling functions, with a separately elected civic council handling residential governance and public services. The two bodies coordinate pragmatically. Neither claims authority over the other's domain. In practice, the Transit Authority generates most of the system's income and its decisions carry practical weight that the civic council's decisions do not, which creates a slow structural tension that neither body formally acknowledges.
+
+Gate Corporation holds the maintenance contracts on all three apertures and runs one of its larger west_reach operational bases here, given the junction's volume. Gate Corp staff at Kapteyn's Star number roughly the same as the system's permanent civilian population in the transit district, which makes this one of the more cosmopolitan communities in the western branch — Gate Corp rotates staff from across the Reach, and the transit district has the cultural texture of a place that has absorbed many short-term arrivals over many decades.
+
+Hansestadt's Merchant Assembly has a permanent trade mission here that has been operating for nearly two centuries — established within the system's first generation of settlement. The mission's presence reflects Hansestadt's interest in the junction: controlling the commercial framing of what passes through Kapteyn's Star is second only to controlling Hansestadt's own gates. The Trade Mission does not govern here, but it is attentive.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Kapteyn's Star does not examine openly: the allocation of gate scheduling priority between freight operators affiliated with the Hansestadt Merchant Assembly and independent operators moving goods through the junction.
+
+The Gate Corporation's scheduling authority is nominally neutral. The practical reality of a Merchant Assembly trade mission that has been present for two centuries, staffed by people who know the Gate Corp scheduling supervisors personally, is that the boundary between institutional neutrality and relationship-based accommodation has eroded in ways that are visible in the data but not in any formal decision record. Independent operators — particularly those running deep-west routes beyond Hansestadt — report wait times at Kapteyn's Star's apertures that are measurably longer than equivalent Merchant Assembly-affiliated freight on comparable transit volumes. The Gate Corporation's grievance process has reviewed four such complaints in the last thirty years. All four were resolved in favor of the scheduling authority's discretion.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The junction between Ross 154 and Hansestadt sees more west_reach freight than any other system at this hop distance, and the Merchant Assembly's trade mission has been making sure that the transit experience is smoother for some operators than others for long enough that it no longer feels like an irregularity.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+`wave_4` at hop 4 is later than the junction's transit importance might suggest, which reflects a characteristic of west_reach junction systems: the gate topology was determined before the settlements, and some high-value positions were reached late because the early settlers followed cultural and economic networks rather than pure topological optimization. The Hansestadt and Ross 154 adjacency gives Kapteyn's Star its significance; that adjacency was determined by the alien gate builders and became commercially legible only when traffic volumes built up. The retention of the astronomical catalog name is realistic — transit operators already knew it by that name, and renaming would have required updating documentation across the corridor. The Dutch scientific heritage of the name fits the west_reach's Germanic/Dutch cultural tendency without being a settlement-name transplant.
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-229/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_053
+# Port Mäkelä
 **GJ 229** | M-type | west_reach
 
 ---
@@ -15,19 +15,36 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Port Mäkelä's spur_end topology defines the system as thoroughly as Voss's dead_end defines that system. A spur_end has two gates, but both connect to different systems without looping back to a shared node — the branch terminates here, and traffic must retrace its path outward through Kapteyn's Star. The second aperture connects to GJ 809, a quieter outer community at the actual end of the spur. Port Mäkelä is, functionally, the last significant stop on a branch that departs Kapteyn's Star and goes no further.
+
+The "Port" in the name is slightly aspirational — Mäkelä's founding generation used it in the sense of a resupply point rather than a major maritime-analog terminal, and the system has grown into the description over time rather than exceeding it. Port Mäkelä is where vessels running the corridor between Kapteyn's Star and the deeper west stop to take on supplies, file transit documentation, and rest crews. The service economy is genuine. It supports a stable population without requiring Voss-style extraction or Grünfeld-style agriculture: the system imports food and raw materials and exports services, which is an unusual economic profile at hop 5 but sustainable given the transit volume that runs through the Kapteyn's Star junction.
+
+The Finnish founding family name persists in the system's formal designation while the colloquial usage among transit operators is simply "the Port" or sometimes "Mäkelä's." The founding Mäkelä family arrived in Wave 4 following a commercial dispute at Kapteyn's Star that made continued operation there uncomfortable. They brought capital, established the first bunkering facility, and filed a charter that named the spur's only established settlement after themselves. Their descendants are still in the transit services business.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+Port Mäkelä is governed by a transit services board with elected membership drawn from the licensed service providers and the permanent residential population in roughly equal weighting — an arrangement that creates predictable tensions between operators who want favorable terms for their customers and residents who want civic services funded. The current board has maintained the balance reasonably well for thirty years; previous boards have not always.
+
+The Mäkelä family retains a significant operational share in the system's main bunkering facility through a descendant-managed holding structure. They are not a governance power in the formal sense — they hold no board seats, and the founding family's institutional dominance was broken in a governance reform approximately one hundred years ago following a dispute over bunkering monopoly licensing. What they have is incumbency: the Mäkelä bunkering operation is the oldest and best-positioned facility, and new entrants have consistently found it difficult to establish alternative service infrastructure given the Mäkelä operation's first-mover advantages in facility location and transit operator relationships.
+
+Assembly presence at hop 5, spur_end, is intermittent — the authority gradient puts Port Mäkelä in the zone where the Assembly applies its frameworks but does not consistently enforce them. The transit board files assessments with moderate reliability. The system is not a compliance concern; it is simply not a priority. The Lattice Commission has a documentation processing point here for the transit operators rather than a full enforcement office.
+
+The Guardians of Autonomy have a quiet presence, focused primarily on the working conditions for the transient labor population — crew rotation workers who pass through Port Mäkelä on multi-system transit contracts and whose labor protections fall under frameworks that no single system's authority fully covers.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Port Mäkelä does not air publicly: the relationship between the Mäkelä family's bunkering operation and the transit operator licensing board, and specifically whether the licensing conditions for new bunkering entrants are structurally biased toward the incumbent.
+
+The licensing board sets technical standards for bunkering facilities. The standards were last formally revised seventy years ago. They include facility age and location provisions that an analysis commissioned privately by a competitor thirty years ago suggested were written with the existing Mäkelä infrastructure in mind rather than derived from first principles. The competing operator who commissioned the analysis eventually abandoned the attempt to establish an alternative facility and sold their provisional license to a Mäkelä holding entity. The analysis was never made public. The licensing board has not revisited the standards.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The founding family that named this port after themselves was broken of its governance monopoly a century ago and has been quietly shaping the conditions for competition in the transit services market ever since, one license standard at a time.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+Finnish founding heritage is a cross-corridor early-arrival exception at hop 5 in the west_reach — a Finnish prospector-entrepreneur following economic opportunity rather than cultural migration networks. The "Port" modifier in the name reflects the transit-service character rather than geography. `spur_end` at hop 5 with `wave_4` settlement is consistent with a system reached in the active expansion wave, valued for its position at the terminus of a Kapteyn's Star branch rather than for environmental or resource qualities. The M1/M2V classification is the corridor's standard dim star environment, which is unremarkable and accurate — the system's significance is positional, not astronomical.
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-506/index.md

@@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_217
-**GJ 506** | K-type | west_reach
+# Dokkum
+**GJ 506** | G-type | west_reach
 
 ---
 
@@ -15,19 +15,36 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Dokkum sits on the loop between Solheim and GJ 442A, which means it has one neighbor that supplies it with food and one outer neighbor to which those food shipments transit onward. The food supply relationship with Solheim is long-standing and not entirely comfortable: Dokkum's industrial character means it produces what Solheim's agricultural community needs in terms of equipment and processed components, but the exchange has never quite settled into terms that both parties consider equitable. The current arrangement, renegotiated every decade, maintains functional supply while preserving both systems' stated dissatisfaction with the terms.
+
+The name is Dutch, taken from a Frisian town in the historical Netherlands — a flat, practical community name without the aspirational or grandiloquent quality of some west_reach settlements. The Wave 3 founding consortium had Dutch-heritage logistics professionals who picked a home-geography reference they found grounding. Dokkum has remained flat and practical in their honor.
+
+The industrial base is mid-weight: precision manufacturing, mechanical components for the transit and extraction sectors, and a growing maintenance and repair economy serving vessels that prefer not to run all the way to Hansestadt for major work. The G5V star provides acceptable conditions — warmer than the M-dwarfs that dominate this depth of the corridor — and the loop connectivity means Dokkum is not isolated the way dead-end systems are. It is a working system: adequate conditions, consistent economic output, no particular drama.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+Dokkum is governed by a manufacturing district council with proportional representation from the major industry sectors — transit services, component manufacturing, repair and maintenance, and residential services. The council structure has been revised twice in the system's history, both times following shifts in which sector was generating the most revenue, and both revisions have produced arrangements that favor the then-dominant sector. The current structure weights manufacturing over services, reflecting economic conditions from approximately forty years ago that have since partially reversed. Whether to revise the weighting again is the current council's loudest ongoing dispute.
+
+Gate Corporation has a standard maintenance presence at both apertures. There is no major Gate Corp operational base here — the system's loop-member topology does not generate the volume that justifies a large installation — but the maintenance team is permanent and has been for two generations. Like most Gate Corp deployments in the mid-corridor, the staff have developed local relationships and several have converted from rotating to permanent residency.
+
+The MVG connection runs through component supply: Dokkum manufactures precision parts used in MVG's rolling stock assembly at Nova Roma. The supply contract is a tier-three supplier relationship — Dokkum's components go to a tier-two intermediary, which goes to MVG directly — which insulates Dokkum from MVG's pricing power while also reducing its negotiating visibility. MVG does not deal with Dokkum directly; Dokkum does not know what its components eventually build. This is a deliberate feature of how MVG structures its supply chain.
+
+Assembly authority at hop 5 is institutional and intermittent — present enough to collect assessments, not present enough to make compliance more than a periodic obligation. The council treats the Assembly as a background administrative relationship that requires attention twice a year and can otherwise be managed by the system's small regulatory office.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Dokkum does not examine openly: the tier-three supplier relationship with MVG and what the components Dokkum manufactures are actually being used for.
+
+Dokkum's precision manufacturing contracts specify tolerances and material grades without specifying end use. The specifications for approximately fifteen percent of Dokkum's current production are tighter than commercial transit applications require and consistent with military-specification components according to an analysis a retired manufacturing engineer filed in a citizen petition to the district council eight years ago. The council's response was to refer the petition to the regulatory office, which found no breach of Dokkum's commercial license conditions, which is accurate — the commercial license does not require disclosure of component end use. Whether Dokkum is an unknowing participant in MVG's military supply chain for the Assembly fleet is a question that the tier-two intermediary is the only entity positioned to answer, and the intermediary's disclosure obligations do not include informing its suppliers.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+Dokkum's precision manufacturing operation has been producing components to specifications tighter than anything in commercial transit service, and the tier-structure between Dokkum and MVG was designed by people who understood that suppliers are most useful when they do not ask about end use.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+`wave_3` settlement with a Dutch/Frisian founding heritage fits the Germanic/Dutch stream in the west_reach corridor naturally. The G5V star is warmer than the M-dwarfs typical of this corridor depth, which explains why Wave 3 settlers chose this position — better surface conditions than most neighbors. `loop_member` connectivity creates the Solheim supply relationship that shapes the economic character. The Dutch town name "Dokkum" is a direct Earth-geography transplant, which is within the 30-40% acceptable rate for corridor naming, and fits the founding logistics professionals naming a working community after a working place from their heritage.
 
 ## Topology
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wiki/star-systems/GJ-526/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_003
+# Neustadt
 **GJ 526** | M-type | west_reach
 
 ---
@@ -15,19 +15,36 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+"New town" is the most common Germanic settlement name in the Reach and Neustadt uses it without apology, which tells you something about how the Wave 2 founders here thought of themselves: practical people naming a place for what they were doing rather than where they came from or what they hoped it would become. They were building a new town. They called it that.
+
+Neustadt is one of the older settlements in this depth of the western corridor, founded in Wave 2 at a time when the gate network's topology was still being charted and settlements were staking claims ahead of a complete picture of their future neighbors. The founding industrial operations were mining and light manufacturing, which have persisted through three hundred and fifty years of technological change and economic shifts. Neustadt exports processed metals and fabricated components via the loop — through Brennan's Drift to Ross 154 inward, or through GJ 581 toward the outer corridor. It is a supplier in the MVG ecosystem's outer supply chain, not a contract holder but a consistent source of the kind of mid-grade industrial output that MVG's tier-one and tier-two contractors prefer to buy locally rather than ship from the inner orbit.
+
+The system imports food from Brennan's Drift, which imports it from the inner corridor. This transit dependency adds cost and creates occasional supply disruptions when the loop's transit schedule misaligns with seasonal production patterns. Neustadt has a small hydroponic supplement operation but nothing that would feed the population independently. The food dependency is the system's most discussed practical vulnerability.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+Three and a half centuries of continuous industrial operation has produced in Neustadt the thing that long-running industrial communities often produce: a strong labor culture, well-developed institutional memory, and a deep suspicion of any external actor whose interests are not aligned with the workforce's. The manufacturing cooperative that dominates the economy is genuinely cooperatively owned — one of the older genuine cooperative structures in the corridor — and the cooperative council doubles as the effective civic governance body.
+
+The cooperative's relationship with MVG's supply chain is the dominant governance question of the past two centuries. MVG buys Neustadt's output through intermediaries; Neustadt's cooperative controls production standards and volume. MVG's periodically attempts to consolidate that supply relationship into direct contract terms, which would give MVG pricing leverage and production scheduling authority. The cooperative has refused every approach. The refusals have not been comfortable. MVG has, on two documented occasions, temporarily shifted purchasing to alternative suppliers as a negotiating signal. Both times, the cooperative outlasted the shift. Both times, MVG returned to purchasing terms the cooperative considered acceptable. The pattern has calcified into something the cooperative calls sovereignty and MVG's procurement managers call a structural inefficiency they have not yet resolved.
+
+Guardians of Autonomy have a long-standing chapter here that is one of the corridor's more institutionally sophisticated — the cooperative's own labor research capacity overlaps significantly with Guardian analytical frameworks, and several current Guardian researchers in the western sector received their training here.
+
+At hop 5, Assembly authority is intermittent. The cooperative council treats Assembly frameworks as applicable where they coincide with local governance preferences and negotiable where they do not. This is not open defiance — Neustadt pays its assessments, sends delegates, and has no active compliance disputes. It is the quiet autonomy of a community that governed itself for three centuries before the Assembly's authority reached this depth of the corridor with any consistency.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Neustadt does not air publicly: the question of what the cooperative's governing council knew, and when, about MVG's efforts to acquire the largest independent metals broker that the cooperative sells through.
+
+Approximately fifteen years ago, a mid-sized trading company that had brokered Neustadt's industrial output for sixty years was acquired by an entity that turned out to be a holding company with indirect ownership ties to MVG's supply chain division. The acquisition was not flagged as a conflict of interest to the cooperative council at the time because the holding company's ownership structure was not public at the level of detail required to identify the MVG connection. The connection became visible through a separate regulatory filing three years after the acquisition closed. The cooperative council held an internal review. The review found that the acquisition was legal and that the broker had continued to represent Neustadt's interests within its contractual mandate. The question of whether the broker's representation had changed in character — subtly, in ways consistent with its new ownership's preferences — is not something the review was designed to examine.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The cooperative that has held MVG at arm's length for three centuries sells its output through a broker that MVG now owns, and the review that cleared the acquisition was conducted by the same council that depends on the broker for its margin calculations.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+`wave_2` at hop 5 reflects early industrial settlement driven by ore surveys rather than gate topology understanding — these settlers staked a claim and later discovered that the loop structure placed them between Brennan's Drift and GJ 581, which turned out to be useful connectivity for an industrial supplier. The common German name "Neustadt" is appropriate for practical Wave 2 industrial settlers without aspirational naming tendencies. The M3V star is the corridor standard — dim, stable, adequate. The cooperative governance model is characteristic of west_reach Germanic-heritage industrial settlements where collective survival structures formed in early extraction and never converted to corporate form.
 
 ## Topology
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wiki/star-systems/GJ-628/index.md

@@ -1,5 +1,5 @@
-# Wolf 1061
-**GJ 628** | G-type | west_reach
+# Brennan's Drift
+**GJ 628** | M-type | west_reach
 
 ---
 
@@ -15,19 +15,36 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+The "Drift" in the name is mining terminology — a horizontal tunnel driven into an ore body — and the system earned it. Cormac Brennan arrived with a Wave 2 prospecting consortium, filed the first mineral survey, and discovered ore concentrations sufficient to make the system commercially viable despite the dim M4 star and marginal surface conditions. The consortium became a company, the company eventually fragmented through succession disputes, and the name stayed.
+
+Brennan's Drift exports ore concentrates and processed metals. The volume is not large by inner-corridor standards, but it has been consistent for three hundred years, which is a form of industrial significance that inconsistent high-volume systems rarely achieve. The loop position — connecting through Ross 154 inward toward the core and through Neustadt toward the outer corridor — means Brennan's Drift is both a supplier to the western corridor and a dependent on transit access that runs through Ross 154, which it cannot control.
+
+The system imports finished goods, food, and manufacturing equipment via Ross 154. The Wave 5 arrival at Ross 154 changed the supply chain dynamic: where previously Brennan's Drift routed inner-corridor shipping through the longer path toward Gateway, the energization of Ross 154 as a junction created a shorter, higher-volume option. The relationship with Ross 154's processing consortiums is a relatively new one and the terms have not yet calcified in the way that older supply relationships tend to.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+Brennan's Drift is governed by a mining cooperative council, a form of governance that predates the formal cooperative structures elsewhere in the corridor: the Brennan family's original company was restructured into cooperative ownership following the succession disputes of the mid-Wave 2 to Wave 3 period. Three generations of legal argument produced a settlement under which the various family claimants received proportional stakes in a cooperatively governed successor entity, and the cooperative model has persisted through inertia and genuine preference ever since.
+
+The Irish founding heritage persists in the naming culture and in the formal council procedures, which borrowed from Irish cooperative legal traditions that the founding lawyers knew and others did not bother to replace. Most residents are not of Irish heritage — three centuries of mining recruitment cares about labor availability, not ancestry — but the founding family name is still on the system and the founding family's descendants still hold significant cooperative shares, which gives them institutional presence without formal governance authority.
+
+MVG holds a supply contract for processed metals from Brennan's Drift that routes through Ross 154 and inward. The contract dates from the Wave 3 period, predates the MVG corridor's current form, and has been renewed in modified versions under each decade's changed market conditions. The cooperative council regards the MVG relationship as a structural feature of the system's economic life, the way you regard a mountain: you can work with it or against it, but you do not expect it to move.
+
+The Guardians of Autonomy have a chapter here focused on cooperative governance integrity — specifically the question of whether the founding family's accumulated share position constitutes effective veto power over cooperative decisions. The founding family disputes this characterization. The Guardian chapter's analysis suggests it does. The cooperative council has not resolved the question formally.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Brennan's Drift does not examine: the share consolidation that has been occurring over the past forty years as founding-family descendants buy out smaller shareholders at below-assessed values.
+
+The cooperative ownership structure requires that shares be offered to the cooperative's general pool before being sold to external parties, but it does not regulate the terms at which insider purchases can occur between members. The founding family's descendants — some of them sufficiently long-lived to have been present at the original succession settlement — have been acquiring shares from current-generation holders who value liquidity over long-term governance stakes. The pattern is visible in the cooperative's membership register but requires cross-referencing three separate administrative filings to see in full. Whether this represents a legitimate investment strategy or a slow-motion reconsolidation of the founding family's original position is a question the cooperative's audit committee is staffed entirely by council members to not quite ask.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+Three centuries after the succession disputes broke the founding company into a cooperative, the founding family has been buying back in quietly, and the cooperative's audit mechanism is designed to review the books, not the membership register.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+`wave_2` at hop 4 reflects early industrial settlement of a resource-bearing system — the M4 star was not an obstacle when the ore surveys came back positive. The Irish founding heritage is an early-arrival cross-corridor exception consistent with Wave 2 prospecting demographics, where individual prospectors of any background followed survey data rather than corridor cultural networks. "Drift" as a modifier is authentic mining vocabulary — the name is functional, which is the characteristic naming pattern of wave_2 extractive settlements. The loop member topology between Ross 154 and GJ 526 gives the system two transit connections without making it a routing hub, which is consistent with a mid-scale extractive system that is important to its immediate neighbors but not to the broader corridor.
 
 ## Topology
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wiki/star-systems/GJ-664/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_186
+# Caldwell Point
 **GJ 664** | K-type | west_reach
 
 ---
@@ -15,19 +15,32 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Caldwell Point does not produce much of anything the broader Reach finds remarkable — modest light manufacturing, machine components, atmospheric processing equipment for the kind of environments that make up the western corridor's outer systems. Its economic significance is structural. Three apertures converging at a Wave 3 junction means Caldwell Point is the point at which inbound traffic from the inner west disaggregates into three separate branches: one continuing toward the loop through GJ 1, one bending through GJ 19 and the Solheim route, and the dead-end spur running into Voss. Operators moving cargo or personnel into the mid-west coordinate their transit here.
+
+The Junction tariff income is modest by Hansestadt standards — Caldwell Point handles a fraction of the volume of the western hub — but it has been reliable for two hundred years and it is the basis on which the Caldwell family built everything else. The system imports raw materials from Voss, adds value through manufacturing, and exports to the inner corridor. The economic dependency runs in both directions: the outer systems need Caldwell Point's gateway function; Caldwell Point needs the outer systems to have something worth transiting.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The founding family, the Caldwells, were English by heritage — contract logistics managers from a mid-tier transport firm who arrived in the Wave 3 push and recognized the junction's structural value before anyone with deeper capital resources did. They staked a land claim, negotiated gate scheduling rights, and were in place before the competing bids arrived from the inner corridor. Three generations of patient institutional building later, the family name is on the system. The Caldwells are not wealthy by Perpetual-class standards but they are locally irreplaceable, which is a different kind of security.
+
+The elected district council handles civic governance and is genuinely independent of the family on most questions, a compromise reached about one hundred and fifty years ago following a prolonged dispute over transit fees. The council and the Caldwell logistics operation maintain a functional co-governance arrangement that both sides describe as satisfactory and neither side would describe as warm.
+
+Gate Corporation has a permanent operational presence at all three apertures. The Gate Corp staff rotate on standard west_reach contracts and represent the most cosmopolitan demographic the system contains. The Lattice Commission has a small office handling transit documentation for the volume moving through, staffed by two permanent officers. Assembly authority at hop 3 is structural and visible — delegates attend the system's annual economic review, fleet patrols transit through, and assessments are paid without significant dispute. The Caldwells are not Assembly dissenters; their business model depends on the infrastructure the Assembly nominally maintains.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Caldwell Point does not air publicly: the question of whether the gate scheduling arrangements between the Caldwell logistics operation and Gate Corporation are genuinely neutral, or whether the Junction's routing priority decisions — which vessels clear first, which freight sits in queue — subtly favor operators who maintain commercial relationships with the family.
+
+The Gate Corporation's scheduling authority is nominally independent. The permanent Gate Corp presence here has been working with the same local institutional structures for three generations. The boundary between operational efficiency decisions and commercial favoritism is one that neither party has any incentive to subject to formal review. Complaints from outer-corridor operators about queue times at Caldwell Point's apertures are routed to a Gate Corporation grievance process that has not produced a finding against the local scheduling authority in fifty years.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The family that turned a junction into a dynasty has run the gate scheduling here for two centuries, and the operators who depend on this crossing have learned that disputing their queue position is not worth the wait that follows.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+`junction` topology at hop 3 with `wave_3` settlement fits a system whose value is positional rather than environmental. The K5V star is an unremarkable mid-K-type — dim, stable, no particular hazard. The English founding heritage is a cross-corridor early arrival exception, consistent with Wave 3 corporate contract workers of non-dominant cultural background staking claims ahead of the Germanic corridor's primary population wave. The "Point" modifier in the name convention signals a navigational landmark — a waypoint in the transit geography — which is exactly what the system is. The family surname persisting as the system name reflects the founding-figure naming pattern common in Wave 3 corporate settlements.
 
 ## Topology
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wiki/star-systems/GJ-66B/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# p Eridani
+# Voss
 **GJ 66B** | K-type | west_reach
 
 ---
@@ -15,19 +15,36 @@
 ---
 
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+One gate. One neighbor. Caldwell Point is the only way in or out of Voss, which has defined the system's character for three hundred years. Dead-end systems either develop in spite of their isolation or because of it. Voss developed because of it: the single aperture meant that whatever ore Voss extracted could only leave through Caldwell Point, and the Caldwell family's gate scheduling authority meant Caldwell Point controlled the terms of that exit. The dependency relationship is structural and old.
+
+Voss exports mineral concentrates — primarily silicates and light metals suited to Caldwell Point's manufacturing sector — in volumes that have declined gradually as the most accessible deposits have been worked out. The system has been running a multi-generational extraction operation on progressively lower-grade ore bodies, compensated by improved extraction technology but unable to fundamentally escape the geological reality that the best material left long ago. The economy persists; it does not thrive.
+
+The K0V star is the system's second notable feature. Warmer and more luminous than most west_reach neighbors, it produces livable surface conditions that have kept a permanent population here despite the extraction economy's slow decline. People raise families in Voss. The place has a permanence that pure extractive camps do not. This is the distinction between a community with problems and a camp waiting to be abandoned.
+
+Note: GJ 66A — p Eridani's companion star — sits in east_reach. The two stars are a physical binary pair, their gate apertures opening into different sectors. The corridor boundary between east and west passes between them. Residents of Voss occasionally remark on the strangeness of having a stellar neighbor you cannot reach through normal transit; the astronomers here track both stars' spectra with equipment that is better than a system this size should reasonably have, which reflects a local tradition of watching the companion they cannot visit.
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+Voss is governed by a mining district council that has operated continuously since Wave 2, making it one of the older governance institutions in the immediate corridor. The council's authority is genuine within the system — it manages extraction licensing, environmental reclamation funds, and residential services — but it has no leverage over the single external relationship that matters most, which is the transit terms at Caldwell Point. The council's periodic negotiations with the Caldwell logistics operation over freight rates are the most politically consequential events in local politics, and they consistently produce outcomes that reflect Caldwell Point's structural advantage.
+
+The Scandinavian cultural character of the original Wave 2 settlers — the system is named for a Norwegian town — has persisted more strongly here than in more transit-connected west_reach communities. Isolation does that. The majority of the current population can trace at least partial heritage to the founding group or to the subsequent waves of Nordic recruits who followed the initial settlers to a community that felt familiar. This is not monoculture; it is the accumulation of several centuries of chain migration along heritage networks into a community small and isolated enough for the founding character to stick.
+
+Assembly presence at hop 4, dead_end, is lighter than at equivalent through-route systems. Annual delegate visits, assessment compliance, no active issues. The council pays what it owes and does not make trouble. Dead-end systems tend toward compliance as a form of risk management: they cannot afford a conflict they cannot route around.
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+What Voss does not examine publicly: the reclamation fund shortfall.
+
+The mining district council is legally required to maintain a reserve fund for environmental remediation of worked-out extraction sites. Three hundred years of extraction means there is a great deal of remediation that will eventually be required. The fund's current balance covers approximately forty percent of the estimated liability. The shortfall has been growing for fifty years, funded by optimistic projections about ore body longevity that the current extraction rates are not bearing out. The council has not filed updated liability estimates with the Assembly's environmental compliance office, because doing so would trigger a mandatory funding review that would require immediate levy increases the extraction operators say they cannot sustain. This is a known and managed gap rather than a secret. It is the kind of fiscal problem that accumulates quietly until the extraction economy either recovers enough to fund the liability or ends before the liability comes due.
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+The single gate out of this system runs through a family that has controlled Voss's access to the corridor for two centuries, and the remediation fund that should cover three hundred years of extraction damage will not cover forty percent of it.
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The name "Voss" is a Norwegian town on the western Norwegian coast — a direct Earth-geography transplant, which is appropriate for a small Wave 2 community where the founding population drew on heritage-network migration and a settlement small enough that naming conventions stayed personal rather than administrative. `dead_end` at hop 4 with `wave_2` settlement reflects an early claim on a resource-bearing system before the corridor's full topology was understood; the founders chose the site for ore, not for transit position, and the dead-end topology reflects the gate structure's indifference to settlement logic. The K0V classification is correct and distinctive — warmer than most west_reach dead-ends, which explains why a community has persisted here rather than the population having eventually migrated out to better-positioned systems.
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->