feat(docs): write 10 south_reach star system wiki pages (hops 5-6)

Replace PLACEHOLDER stubs with full prose for: Mocamedes (GJ-644C),
Porto Fechado (GJ-785), Entroncamento (GJ-3323), Passagem (GJ-473A),
Retiro (GJ-536), Mavela (GJ-644A), Solandar (GJ-827), Posto Avancado
(GJ-829), Farol (GJ-83.1), The Lantern (GJ-388, unsettled hub).

Co-Authored-By: Claude Opus 4.6 (1M context) <noreply@anthropic.com>

wiki/star-systems/GJ-3323/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_165
+# Entroncamento
 **GJ 3323** | K-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Entroncamento is a Portuguese railway term — it means junction, interchange, the place where the lines cross. The town of Entroncamento in central Portugal was built because the rail network needed a node there, and the community that grew around the railway yards defined itself by the function it served rather than by any older history of the place. The wave_3 founders who chartered this system three hundred years ago were making the same observation about their own situation. Three gates. Three corridors meeting at hop 6 in the outer south_reach. The system exists because the horizon station's aperture configuration made it a junction, and the community that grew here grew because junctions need people.
+
+GJ 3323 is cataloged as spectral type "m" — a red dwarf whose specific subtype was not resolved in the original survey data, placing it somewhere in the M-dwarf sequence without further precision. At 20.0 light-years from Sol, it is a dim, close-orbit star whose habitable zone hosts a tidally influenced world with a long rotation period and a surface dominated by rocky highland terrain with thin, marginal soils. The planet is not agricultural in any generous sense of the word. The founding generation's agricultural operations produced subsistence-level output in the first decade and have improved only to the point of covering basic dietary needs for the community's modest population. Entroncamento has never been a producing system. It is a routing system.
+
+The three gates connect to GJ 325B (the unsettled dead-end with its asteroid belt and its redacted survey), to Mwangaza (GJ 693, the textile community on its spur), and to Okahandja (GJ 27, the Herero cattle world at its own spur end). Entroncamento sits at the convergence point for two productive spur communities and one empty system, which means the junction handles the export freight from Mwangaza's Mkeka weavers and Okahandja's cattle operations while managing the occasional exploration or survey transit to GJ 325B. The freight volumes are not large by inner-ring standards, but they are consistent, and the logistics infrastructure that has grown up around managing them employs a significant fraction of the community's working population.
+
+The population is approximately twelve thousand. The founding heritage was mixed Mozambican and Namibian — families from the same wave_3 emigration pool that settled Mwangaza and Okahandja, but with a logistics rather than production orientation. The founders came to run a junction, and their descendants have continued running it. The community's cultural character is shaped more by the traffic it handles than by any single founding tradition: three centuries of managing freight from Swahili-heritage weavers and Herero pastoralists and the occasional survey crew heading toward GJ 325B have produced a population that is multilingual by necessity, pragmatic by disposition, and deeply knowledgeable about the commercial rhythms of the communities they connect.
+
+Governance is a transit authority model — the settlement council and the logistics cooperative are formally separate but operationally integrated, with the cooperative's scheduling decisions driving most of the council's infrastructure planning. Assembly presence is intermittent: the hop-6 distance and the moderate traffic volume mean scheduled inspections rather than permanent staff. The community's compliance records are maintained with the thoroughness of a junction that understands its position depends on being trusted by the systems it connects.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Entroncamento imports most of its food — grain from Inhambane's distribution network via the inner corridor, supplemented by agricultural products from Okahandja's cattle operations and Mwangaza's modest food surplus. The community's own agricultural output covers basic needs but not dietary variety. Manufactured goods and technical components arrive through the same freight channels that carry outbound exports from the spur communities. The junction's primary revenue is transit services: scheduling, cargo handling, manifest documentation, and the bonded storage that allows Mwangaza's and Okahandja's exports to be consolidated for onward routing to inner-ring markets.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Entroncamento Logistics Cooperative** manages the three-gate freight scheduling and the bonded storage facilities. It is the community's largest employer and the institution whose operational decisions most directly affect daily life. The cooperative's management rotates among the founding families' descendants, a convention that has produced institutional continuity at the cost of periodic complaints from newer residents about access to management positions.
+
+The **GJ 325B Survey Consortium** is a small entity registered at Entroncamento that manages access permissions and scheduling for transit to the unsettled dead-end system. The consortium's membership is not public, and its scheduling decisions — which determine who can transit the GJ 325B gate and when — are made without the transparency that characterizes the logistics cooperative's other operations. The settlement council has not required the consortium to adopt the cooperative's scheduling transparency standards, a decision that has been questioned and not revisited.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The GJ 325B gate carries less traffic than the other two apertures, but it carries more than an empty dead-end system would typically justify. The transit logs show a pattern of regular visits — not survey expeditions, which are infrequent and documented, but shorter transits by vessels whose manifest declarations describe "maintenance and inspection" activities at the unsettled horizon station. The vessels are registered to entities that trace, through several layers of corporate registration, to addresses at inner-ring systems. The Entroncamento Logistics Cooperative processes these transits under the same manifest protocols it applies to all gate traffic. The GJ 325B Survey Consortium manages the scheduling. No one at Entroncamento has formally asked what maintenance activities require this frequency of visits to an empty system.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A junior logistics coordinator at Entroncamento has noticed that the mass readings for vessels returning from GJ 325B consistently exceed their outbound readings by a margin that is small enough to be within the gate's measurement tolerance but large enough, when aggregated across two years of transits, to represent a significant quantity of material being moved out of the dead-end system — material that does not appear on any return manifest.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+The "m" spectral designation without a subtype reflects incomplete survey data; the star is an M-dwarf of unresolved class. The K-type header is a generation artifact; the profile's "m" designation governs and indicates M-type. The junction topology with three apertures at hop 6 is consistent with the outer south_reach's wave_3 expansion pattern, where junctions were settled to serve the routing needs of spur communities established during the same emigration wave. The connection to the unsettled GJ 325B dead-end adds an element of institutional ambiguity that the community has managed by compartmentalizing the traffic.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-388/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_113
+# The Lantern
 **GJ 388** | M-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,53 @@
 
 ---
 
+Five gates and no one lives here. That is the fact that defines GJ 388, and the fact that no one has satisfactorily explained in the three hundred years since the surrounding systems were settled and began routing their freight through a hub that has never had a settlement charter, a permanent population, or a name that appears in any official registry. The operations staff call it the Lantern — after the old navigational lights, the ones that mark a passage without illuminating it — and the name has stuck in the informal way that names stick to places where no one has the authority to make naming decisions. It is not on any chart. Everyone in the south_reach knows what you mean when you say it.
+
+GJ 388 is an M4.5Ve — a late-mid M dwarf with active emission, dim and flare-prone, at 16.0 light-years from Sol. The stellar environment is not the reason the system is unsettled. M4.5Ve stars host permanent settlements elsewhere in the south_reach; Carvalhais operates under a comparable stellar type without difficulty. The habitable zone contains no worlds that the early surveys flagged as promising — several rocky bodies, none with substantial atmospheres, none with the surface conditions that wave_2 or wave_3 settlers would have considered worth the investment when better options existed at comparable distances. But the absence of a habitable world does not explain unsettlement either: Crux Station has no habitable world and has a permanent operations community of several thousand. The Lantern has five gates. Five. It is the most connected unsettled system in the south_reach and one of the most connected unsettled systems in the Reach.
+
+The five apertures connect to Nowa Huta (GJ 896A), Várzea (GJ 299), 96 Piscium (GJ 33), Retiro (GJ 536), and Confluência (GJ 566B). This is not a peripheral hub. This is a central node in the south_reach's mid-ring, connecting the inner six-gate hub at Confluência to the outer industrial system at Nowa Huta, the aquaculture junction at Várzea, the unsettled loop at 96 Piscium, and the agricultural dead-end at Retiro. Freight that moves between these systems routes through the Lantern. Vessels that need to transit between the inner and outer south_reach use the Lantern. The Assembly's transit scheduling data shows that the Lantern handles more gate transits per year than several settled systems in its immediate neighborhood.
+
+The operations staff who maintain the transit infrastructure are employed under an Assembly transit authority contract — the same administrative framework that manages Crux Station, but with a critical difference. Crux Station's permanent residents have been there for decades; they have informal community structures, social networks, a sense of place. The Lantern's operations staff rotate on six-month contracts. The rotation is policy, not convention: the transit authority contract specifies that no individual may serve consecutive terms, and the minimum interval between assignments is twelve months. The stated rationale is fatigue management in a high-flare environment. The practical effect is that no one stays long enough to form attachments, to develop the informal governance that Crux Station's residents have built, or to begin asking the questions that permanent residents eventually ask about their legal status and their rights.
+
+The rotation policy has been in place since the first transit authority contract was issued, approximately two hundred and fifty years ago. It has survived three contract renewals without modification. The communities connected to the Lantern — Confluência, Nowa Huta, Várzea, Retiro — have each, at various points in the past century, raised the question of whether the Lantern should be chartered as a settlement. Confluência's Guild Delegate Council formally proposed it twice. Both proposals were referred to the Assembly's settlement authorization process and both were returned with the same determination: the system does not meet the minimum habitability threshold for settlement charter issuance. The determination cited the absence of a habitable world. The communities involved noted that Crux Station lacks a habitable world and holds transit authority status rather than a settlement charter but has a permanent population nonetheless. The Assembly's response was that Crux Station's situation is under review and that the Lantern's case should not be analogized to it. The communities stopped proposing.
+
+What the Lantern has, instead of a community, is infrastructure. The horizon station is alien construction, self-maintaining, with five apertures that handle the transit volume the surrounding systems depend upon. The human-built additions — docking bays, cargo processing facilities, refueling infrastructure, the quarters for the rotation staff — are functional and impersonal in the way that facilities built for temporary occupants are impersonal. There are no personal touches. No one paints the walls. The rotation staff keep their quarters clean and their records current and leave when their contracts end, carrying with them whatever they observed during their six months and sharing it in the way that temporary workers share stories: informally, without institutional memory, and without the accumulation of knowledge that permanent residence produces.
+
+The question that the south_reach's communities have not formally asked — because they suspect the answer would be more complicated than they want — is who benefits from the Lantern remaining unsettled. A five-gate hub without a settlement charter has no local governance, no local taxation authority, no local inspection capacity beyond the transit authority contract. Freight passes through without the friction that a settled community's institutions create. The transit authority contract covers gate scheduling and basic safety compliance; it does not cover commercial inspection, environmental monitoring, or the civic functions that a settlement council provides. The Lantern is, in administrative terms, a hole in the south_reach's governance fabric — a place where five corridors meet and no one is responsible for what happens at the intersection.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+The Lantern produces nothing and imports everything required for the operations staff's six-month rotations: food, consumables, maintenance supplies, and the technical equipment for the human-built transit infrastructure. All supplies arrive through the five gate connections, with primary provisioning through Confluência's supply chain and secondary provisioning through Várzea's agricultural exports. The transit authority contract funds these imports from gate transit fee revenue, which is collected and administered by the Assembly transit authority's regional office — not locally.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Assembly Transit Authority — Lantern Facility** is the only institutional presence. It operates under a regional contract administered from the Assembly's south_reach coordination office. The facility manager is a rotation position with the same six-month term as the rest of the staff. There is no local governance body, no community organization, no informal association of the kind that Crux Station's operations staff have developed — the rotation policy prevents it. The transit authority's regional office makes scheduling decisions, approves maintenance expenditures, and handles disputes. All of these functions are performed remotely, with the on-site staff implementing decisions made elsewhere.
+
+The **Nowa Huta Freight Office** maintains a permanent manifest processing installation at the Lantern — the only non-transit-authority infrastructure at the facility. Stalownia Kowalski's freight volumes through the Lantern justify the dedicated installation, which handles the scheduling and documentation for the heavy equipment shipments that route through the hub. The freight office is staffed by Kowalski employees on their own rotation schedule, which does not follow the transit authority's six-month term. The Kowalski staff are the closest thing the Lantern has to long-term occupants, though they are careful to describe their presence as commercial rather than residential.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The rotation policy — the contractual requirement that no operations staff member may serve consecutive terms at the Lantern — has been in place for two hundred and fifty years. The original transit authority contract that established the policy is in the Assembly's commercial registry archive. The contract's rotation clause references an appendix that describes the rationale in detail. The appendix is filed as a restricted document under a classification that predates the current Assembly information access framework. Requests to access the appendix have been filed three times: twice by Confluência's Guild Delegate Council during the settlement charter proposal process, and once by a Matamba arbitration firm conducting background research on transit authority contract structures. All three requests were returned with the notation that the document's classification has not been reviewed under the current access framework and that a classification review is pending. The classification review has been pending for sixty-two years.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A transit authority operations technician completing her final week at the Lantern has found, in the maintenance logs for the horizon station's fifth aperture — the one connecting to Confluência — a recurring automated diagnostic entry that does not correspond to any known maintenance protocol in the transit authority's technical manual, an entry that appears at irregular intervals averaging seventeen days and that describes a process the technician's training did not prepare her to interpret.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+M4.5Ve at 16.0 light-years places GJ 388 in the mid-to-late M-dwarf range with active flare emission, comparable to Carvalhais (M4.5Ve, 13.5 ly). The unsettled status combined with five apertures at hop 5 is the anomaly that defines the system: a hub of this connectivity at this hop distance would, under normal settlement patterns, have been chartered in wave_2 or wave_3. The absence of a habitable world is a necessary but not sufficient explanation — Crux Station demonstrates that unsettled hubs can develop permanent communities without habitable worlds. The rotation policy and the restricted contract appendix suggest that the unsettlement is maintained rather than natural, a conclusion that the surrounding communities have approached without formally reaching.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-473A/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_192
+# Passagem
 **GJ 473A** | M-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Passagem — passage, crossing, the act of moving through. The name is Portuguese and it describes the system's function with the precision of founders who understood what they were building. Two gates. A through-route connecting the inner south_reach to the communities beyond. Wave_2 settlement, making Passagem one of the older continuously inhabited systems in the outer corridor — four hundred years of people passing through, and a community that has spent those centuries deciding what it means to be a place that people pass through rather than a place they come to.
+
+GJ 473A is a dM5.5eJ — a late M-dwarf with emission activity and the "J" suffix indicating infrared excess, a stellar classification that marks this star as both dim and energetic in ways that affect everything built within its habitable zone. The "e" means flares. The "J" means thermal output shifted further into the infrared than the visual spectrum would suggest, which has practical consequences for agricultural operations that depend on photosynthetically active radiation: the star provides heat but not the light spectrum that most crop varieties need without supplementation. The close-orbit habitable world is warm enough for human comfort but dim enough that outdoor work is conducted under a sky that looks, to visitors from K-type systems, like perpetual deep twilight.
+
+The founding generation came from the Cape Malay and Angolan-Portuguese communities that seeded the south inner ring — the same emigration corridor that produced Kaapse Baai and Confluência. They arrived four hundred years ago, when the wave_2 expansion was pushing outward from the inner anchors, and they chose a through-route position because they understood — as the Confluência cooperative model taught — that connectivity was a resource. The two gates connect to Quilombo (GJ 423B) outward and to Kaapse Baai (GJ 213) inward. The freight that moves between these connections is primarily agricultural: Quilombo's agricultural exports routing inward, Kaapse Baai's spice production routing outward, and the broader south_reach cargo flows that use this corridor to reach communities beyond the inner ring.
+
+Four centuries of through-route operation have produced a community that is functionally bilingual in the commercial languages of its two adjacent systems and culturally positioned between the Cape Malay aesthetic of Kaapse Baai and the Afro-Brazilian self-governance tradition of Quilombo. Neither influence dominates. The community's identity is specifically the blend — a through-route culture that has absorbed elements from both ends of its corridor and synthesized them into something that belongs to neither. The cuisine is a case study: Cape Malay spice traditions meet Quilombo's cooperative food culture, producing a local food style that visitors from both adjacent systems recognize as related to their own and distinct from it.
+
+The population is approximately twenty-five thousand — larger than the spur communities it connects, smaller than the inner-ring hubs it routes freight toward. The size reflects the through-route function: enough people to staff the transit infrastructure, the freight handling, the refueling and maintenance services that vessels need during layover, and the local economy that serves the resident population. The governance is a cooperative council inherited from the wave_2 charter and maintained with the institutional confidence of a community that has been self-governing for four hundred years. Assembly presence is intermittent — hop 6 is beyond the range of permanent staff postings — but the through-route traffic means Assembly inspectors pass through regularly on their way to and from outer systems, which creates a form of oversight that is incidental rather than deliberate but real nonetheless.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Passagem's through-route economy generates revenue from transit services: gate scheduling, cargo handling, vessel maintenance, and the layover hospitality that through-route crews rely on. The community imports food from both adjacent systems — Kaapse Baai's agricultural products from one gate, Quilombo's from the other — and exports transit services and the modest manufactured goods its local economy produces. The infrared-shifted stellar output limits local agricultural productivity; the community has supplemental growing facilities but has never achieved food self-sufficiency and has never needed to, given the reliable supply corridors in both directions.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Passagem Transit Cooperative** manages the two-gate freight infrastructure and is the community's largest employer. The cooperative is notable for maintaining a strict neutrality between its two adjacent systems' commercial interests — scheduling and priority decisions are made on a documented first-come basis, and the cooperative's management has resisted repeated attempts by both Kaapse Baai's growers and Quilombo's community assembly to negotiate preferential scheduling terms. This neutrality is the cooperative's most valuable institutional asset and the source of its legitimacy with both neighbors.
+
+The **Layover Services Guild** operates the hospitality and maintenance infrastructure that serves through-route crews during transit stops. The guild is the community's second-largest employer and the institution most visible to outsiders. Its members maintain a professional culture of discretion — what happens during layover at Passagem is not discussed, a convention that through-route crews value and that has contributed to Passagem's reputation as a reliable and unremarkable waypoint.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The through-route position means Passagem's gate management systems process every piece of freight moving between Kaapse Baai and Quilombo and, through them, between the inner south_reach and the outer corridor. The Transit Cooperative's manifest records constitute a complete commercial history of this section of the south_reach freight network for four hundred years. The cooperative maintains these records as operational data. The records have never been requested by any external body and the cooperative has never offered them. The cumulative dataset — who ships what, in what quantities, on what schedules, through which commercial relationships — would, if analyzed, reveal the complete structure of commercial dependencies across a significant section of the outer south_reach. The cooperative's data management policy does not address whether this dataset could be shared, because no one has written that policy. The absence is not accidental.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A Transit Cooperative scheduling officer has observed that cargo volumes from the Quilombo direction have shifted pattern over the past eighteen months — the total volume is unchanged, but the composition has changed in ways that suggest a new category of freight is being routed through a corridor whose operators thought they understood its traffic completely.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+dM5.5eJ is a complex spectral classification: the "d" prefix indicates a dwarf, "M5.5" places the star at the cool end of the mid-M range, "e" marks flare emission activity, and "J" indicates infrared excess — a combination that produces the dim, warm, flare-active environment described. The M-type header matches the profile. Wave_2 settlement at hop 6 reflects the aggressive outer reach of the second emigration wave, which established through-route infrastructure at distances that subsequent waves would build upon. The through-route topology connecting Kaapse Baai and Quilombo creates a corridor function that has defined the community for four centuries.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-536/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_136
+# Retiro
 **GJ 536** | G-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+The name means retreat — in the Portuguese sense of a place one withdraws to, not a place one withdraws from. Retiro. The word carries no connotation of defeat. It implies deliberate choice: a garden, a private space, a place where the noise stops. The wave_3 families who named this system three hundred years ago had come through the five-gate hub at GJ 388 — at that time unsettled, already a transit node — and found, on the other side of the single aperture, a K5 star with a habitable world that the surveys described in language unusual for its restraint. Good soil. Adequate water. Moderate seasons. Nothing extraordinary. Nothing insufficient. The founders, who had spent a generation in transit and cooperative staging, recognized what they were looking at: a place where the conditions would not demand heroism and the topology would not demand compromise. They could grow food, raise families, and be left alone. They named it honestly.
+
+GJ 536 is a K5 — a low-temperature K-type dwarf, orange and steady, sitting at 32.7 light-years from Sol. The habitable world has surface conditions that would not be remarkable at an inner-ring system: standard gravity within human comfort range, a breathable atmosphere, seasonal weather driven by axial tilt, and a temperate band that supports the kind of conventional agriculture that does not require hydroponic supplements or radiation hardening. The star's K5 classification places it at the boundary between the warmer K-types and the cooler M-dwarfs; the light has an orange cast that colors the landscape without distorting it, and the day-night cycle runs close enough to the human standard that the founding generation did not need to adjust.
+
+What three centuries of settlement at a dead-end have produced is a community that is, by south_reach standards, remarkably unremarkable. Retiro's agriculture feeds its population with surplus. Its light manufacturing serves local needs. Its cultural life is the quiet accumulation of a community that has had three hundred years to develop its own rhythms without the disruption of through-traffic or the pressure of transit economics. The population is approximately twenty thousand — large enough for institutional complexity, small enough for social cohesion. Governance is a standard elected council with rotating committee assignments. The founding families hold informal influence of the kind that three centuries of continuous presence produces, but the influence is diffuse rather than concentrated: there is no single dominant family or institution.
+
+The single gate connects to GJ 388 — the unsettled five-aperture hub that sits between Retiro and the broader south_reach network. This means every person, every shipment, every piece of news that reaches Retiro passes through a system that has no settlement, no governance, no community investment in the traffic it handles. The relationship between Retiro and GJ 388 is the relationship between a community and a corridor: the corridor is necessary and indifferent. Retiro's export freight — agricultural surplus, some manufactured goods — enters GJ 388's transit infrastructure and is routed onward by automated scheduling systems and the small operations staff that maintains the hub. The community has no leverage over GJ 388's operations because there is no community at GJ 388 to negotiate with. This is the cost of retreat.
+
+The founding heritage was Brazilian — from the agricultural cooperative traditions of the southern Brazilian states, families who had been growing food for generations and who brought that competence to a world that rewarded it. Three centuries have layered other south_reach cultural influences over the founding tradition without erasing it: the Portuguese is local Brazilian Portuguese rather than the Angolan-Portuguese of the inner corridor, the agricultural practices carry a recognizably Brazilian cooperative structure, and the community's relationship to its own isolation is colored by a cultural memory of the sertão — the Brazilian interior, where distance from the coast was not deprivation but identity.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Retiro exports agricultural surplus — grains, legumes, and a range of temperate-climate produce that the K5 star's habitable zone supports. The exports route through GJ 388's hub infrastructure for distribution to inner-ring markets. The system imports refined technical components, medical supplies, and the consumer goods that a three-century community accumulates demand for. All imports transit through GJ 388. The single-gate dependency means Retiro's logistics planning operates on buffer-stock principles similar to Porto Fechado's, though with less institutional formalization — the community maintains reserves by habit rather than by policy.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Retiro Agricultural Cooperative** is the community's primary economic institution, managing the production coordination and export logistics for the member farms. The cooperative's membership is effectively universal among the farming population, and its council functions as a de facto economic planning body. The relationship between the cooperative and the settlement council is the standard south_reach pattern: formally separate, practically overlapping, with shared family connections and a working arrangement that prioritizes pragmatism over procedural clarity.
+
+There is no significant secondary faction. Retiro's institutional landscape is simple because its economy is simple and its isolation has not produced the internal stratification that transit traffic or resource competition create in more connected systems. The community's primary institutional tension is between the cooperative's conservative management approach — which favors stable production and predictable export schedules — and the younger generation's interest in developing secondary economic activities that would reduce the community's single-sector dependence.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The founding generation's original settlement charter contains a clause that allocates the community's gate access rights to the Agricultural Cooperative rather than to the settlement council — a distinction that was unremarkable at founding, when the two bodies were effectively the same group of people, but that has become structurally significant as the community has grown. The cooperative controls gate scheduling for all commercial freight. The settlement council controls civic governance. The community has never tested what happens when these two authorities disagree, because they have not disagreed. The younger generation's proposals for economic diversification would, if implemented, require gate scheduling capacity that the cooperative currently allocates entirely to agricultural freight. The charter clause that gives the cooperative scheduling authority has not been discussed in council proceedings. The cooperative's current management has not acknowledged that the question exists.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A young engineer who returned to Retiro after completing technical training at Lalande has submitted a proposal to the settlement council for a small manufacturing operation that would require regular gate access for raw material imports — and has received, instead of a council decision, a referral to the Agricultural Cooperative's scheduling committee, which she had not known existed and which has not met in fourteen years.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+K5 at 32.7 light-years places GJ 536 at the cool end of the K-dwarf range, consistent with the temperate agricultural conditions described. The G-type header designation is a generation artifact; K5 governs all lore detail. The dead-end topology with a single aperture connecting to the unsettled GJ 388 hub creates a specific isolation profile: Retiro is not merely at the end of a line but at the end of a line that passes through a system with no human community, which compounds the isolation effect. Wave_3 settlement at hop 6 is consistent with the third emigration wave's outward push through the newly accessible GJ 388 hub.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-644A/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_055
+# Mavela
 **GJ 644A** | K-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+Mavela is a Zulu word that means to be born — in the passive, the way the language constructs the idea of something that emerges without a clear agent behind it. The founding generation chose it because the system they found seemed, to them, less built than discovered: two apertures forming a loop with Encrucijada (GJ 393) and Isibaya (GJ 905), a world with conditions that were neither hostile nor generous, and a position in the south_reach's outer arc that was useful without being critical. Mavela was born into the network. It did not demand to be there. It simply was.
+
+GJ 644A is an M3Ve — a mid-range M-dwarf with emission activity, the "e" marking regular flare events that are less extreme than the late-M stars at Moçâmedes or Isibaya but persistent enough to shape infrastructure decisions. The light is red and dim. The habitable world is close-orbit, tidally influenced, with a rotation period long enough that the community has adopted a dual-schedule system — one work rotation for the long day, one for the long night — rather than imposing an artificial 24-hour cycle. The surface has thin soils over volcanic rock, marginal for conventional agriculture but adequate for the managed pasturage that the founding generation's Zulu and Xhosa pastoral traditions adapted to within two generations.
+
+The wave_3 settlers arrived three hundred years ago from the same Southern African emigration pool that seeded Kruger 60 and Isibaya, but a generation earlier than Isibaya's wave_4 founders and with a different economic model. Where Isibaya built a livestock market, Mavela built a repair yard. The founding cooperative's technical expertise was in mechanical systems — the kind of practical engineering knowledge that pastoral communities develop when they maintain their own equipment in environments where the nearest external supplier is too far away to be relied upon. At Mavela, this expertise was formalized into a commercial operation within the first century of settlement.
+
+**Mavela Yard** is the community's primary economic institution — a repair and refit facility that services the freight vessels, gate ferry equipment, and agricultural machinery that circulates through the outer south_reach. The yard occupies the orbital infrastructure adjacent to the horizon station and extends to a surface facility where heavy components are fabricated or reconditioned. The business model is straightforward: vessels transiting the loop between Encrucijada and Isibaya can schedule maintenance stops at Mavela without deviating from their route, because the loop topology means Mavela is on the way rather than off it. Three centuries of continuous operation have built a reputation for reliable, competent work at prices that are competitive with inner-ring facilities — not because Mavela's costs are lower, but because the alternative is routing a vessel several hops inward for the same service.
+
+The loop topology is Mavela's defining structural feature. Two gates, one to Encrucijada's hub and one to Isibaya's junction, forming part of a circuit that allows vessels to route through the outer south_reach without backtracking. This means Mavela sees traffic moving in both directions — inward-bound freight from the outer arc toward Encrucijada's five-gate hub, outward-bound freight from the inner ring toward Isibaya's markets and the communities beyond. The traffic is not heavy by inner-ring standards, but it is consistent, and the loop means vessels pass through Mavela on a predictable schedule that the yard uses to plan its work calendar.
+
+The population is approximately eighteen thousand. The founding Zulu-Xhosa cultural heritage remains visible in family names, in the settlement's spatial organization — which follows a modified homestead pattern adapted to station architecture — and in a social structure that values practical competence as the basis for community standing. The governance is an elected council with strong informal input from the yard's senior technical staff, a dynamic that produces decisions filtered through operational pragmatism. Assembly presence is minimal at hop 6 — intermittent inspections, no permanent staff — and the community's relationship with the Assembly is the standard outer south_reach arrangement: formal compliance maintained because it costs less than non-compliance, substantive governance handled locally.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Mavela exports repair and maintenance services as its primary economic output, supplemented by fabricated and reconditioned components sold to operators across the outer south_reach. The yard's service revenue is denominated in the freight credits that constitute the practical currency of the outer corridor. The system imports food — grain from Inhambane's distribution network through the Isibaya connection, supplemental produce from Encrucijada's transit supply lines — and raw materials for the yard's fabrication operations. The pastoral agriculture covers basic subsistence needs but not the dietary variety that a working population expects.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Mavela Yard Cooperative** is the community's dominant economic institution and its largest employer. The cooperative's management is elected from among the senior technical staff, a tradition that ensures the yard's operational priorities are set by people who understand the work. The cooperative holds the orbital infrastructure operating licenses and the surface fabrication facility permits, which gives it effective control over the community's economic output. The relationship with the settlement council is the standard pattern: the cooperative makes economic decisions, the council handles civic administration, and the boundary is maintained by habit rather than formal agreement.
+
+The **Isibaya Market Liaison** is a small office maintained by several Mavela families with connections to Isibaya's ranching community. The liaison coordinates the scheduling of livestock transport vessels that require maintenance stops at Mavela during market season — a niche service that generates modest revenue but sustains the social connection between two communities that share Southern African heritage and that have been neighbors for two and three centuries respectively.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The Mavela Yard's service records contain a detailed technical history of every vessel that has been maintained or repaired at the facility over three hundred years. The records include structural assessments, system diagnostics, and component replacement histories — the kind of technical data that, taken individually, is routine maintenance documentation, and that taken collectively constitutes a detailed intelligence profile of the operational capacity and physical condition of the outer south_reach's freight fleet. The yard's data management practices treat this information as proprietary service records. No external body has requested access to the aggregated dataset. The yard's management has not considered what the dataset reveals because they have not thought of it as a dataset — they think of it as individual service records. Someone who thought of it differently would find it very interesting.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A yard technician servicing a regular freight vessel has found a structural modification deep in the vessel's cargo bay that does not appear in any previous service record — a reinforced compartment with independent environmental controls, professionally installed, whose existence the vessel's registered operator has not disclosed on any maintenance intake form.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+M3Ve is a mid-M dwarf with emission activity, placing GJ 644A in the middle of the M-dwarf flare range — less extreme than the late-M systems but more active than the quiet early-M types. The K-type header is a generation artifact; M3Ve governs all lore detail. The loop topology connecting Encrucijada (5-aperture hub, wave_5) and Isibaya (3-aperture junction, wave_4) places Mavela on a circuit that is structurally useful despite being settled by the older wave_3 — the loop function existed before the systems at both ends developed their current character.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-644C/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_031
+# Moçâmedes
 **GJ 644C** | M-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+The name comes from the old Angolan port city — Moçâmedes, renamed Namibe in the twentieth century, then renamed again, then remembered by the particular community that left Earth carrying both names and choosing the older one because it was the one their great-grandparents had used. The wave_3 families who settled here three hundred years ago were Angolan-Portuguese, drawn from the same emigration corridor that fed Confluência and Matamba, but arriving a generation later and settling a hop further out. They did not come to build an institution or anchor a corridor. They came because the survey data described a world with extensive subsurface aquifers in a close-orbit zone around an M7 primary, and because the founding cooperative's agricultural engineers believed they could do something with water that no one else in the south_reach was doing at this depth.
+
+GJ 644C is an M7 — one of the dimmest stellar types that hosts a settled community in the south_reach. The light is deep red, barely above the threshold of human visual comfort, and the habitable zone is so close to the star that the primary world's orbital period is measured in days rather than months. The surface is tidally locked: one face permanently starlit, one permanently dark, and the terminator band between them where the weather happens. The aquifers that the founding survey identified run beneath the terminator zone, fed by a hydrological cycle in which atmospheric moisture from the star-facing hemisphere condenses and percolates through fractured basalt on the transition belt. What reaches the aquifers is warm, mineral-rich, and — the founding generation discovered within the first decade — exceptionally well-suited to hydroponic cultivation under controlled conditions.
+
+**Estufas de Moçâmedes** — the Greenhouses of Moçâmedes — is a descriptive name for a descriptive enterprise. The cooperative operates a network of underground hydroponic facilities tapping the subsurface aquifers, growing produce under artificial lighting calibrated to supplement the M7's dim output. The crops are specialty greens and medicinal herbs: varieties that respond well to the mineral profile of the aquifer water and that command premium prices in the south_reach markets where fresh produce from the outer corridor is rare enough to be noteworthy. The quantities are modest. The quality is not. Confluência's guild restaurants — the ones that care about sourcing — list Moçâmedes greens by name on their menus, which is the kind of recognition that a small outer-corridor producer values more than volume contracts.
+
+The two gates connect inward to Kruger 60 (GJ 860A) and outward to Groombridge 1830 (GJ 451A). The Kruger 60 connection is the primary corridor — Moçâmedes' exports route through Kruger 60's established freight infrastructure and from there toward the inner ring. The Groombridge 1830 connection runs outward to a wave_4 junction that the community uses primarily for receiving technical components rather than for export. The spur-end topology means Moçâmedes has no through-traffic. What arrives here came deliberately.
+
+Three centuries at the end of a spur have produced a community that is introspective without being insular. The population is small — perhaps eight thousand registered residents — and the social texture is that of a place where everyone knows the greenhouse rotation schedule and most people can identify the source aquifer of a given crop by taste. The governance is a cooperative council, inherited from the founding charter, administered with the quiet competence of people who have been running the same operation for three hundred years and whose primary innovation is refinement rather than expansion. New ideas arrive through the Kruger 60 gate with the supply shipments; the community evaluates them against the accumulated knowledge of what works underground at an M7 terminator zone, which is a body of expertise that exists nowhere else.
+
+The Angolan-Portuguese heritage of the founding generation persists in the language, the cuisine, the names of the greenhouse complexes and the aquifer taps. It has been joined, over three centuries, by South African and Mozambican cultural threads carried by immigrants who came through Kruger 60 and stayed. The community's primary social event is the Safra — harvest festival — held when the major greenhouse cycle completes, a celebration that combines the founding families' agricultural traditions with the practical reality that in a community this small, the harvest is everyone's business.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Moçâmedes exports specialty greens, medicinal herbs, and a small volume of aquifer-mineral concentrate used in hydroponic operations at other south_reach systems. The Estufas cooperative's distribution relationships run primarily through Kruger 60 and from there into the broader south_reach market network. Imports include technical equipment for the hydroponic infrastructure, supplemental lighting systems, and food staples that the underground growing operations do not produce — grain from Inhambane's distribution network, protein from Várzea's aquaculture exports, both arriving through Kruger 60's freight scheduling. The community's size keeps import volumes modest; the premium pricing on exports keeps the trade balance positive.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Estufas Cooperative** operates the greenhouse network and holds the aquifer access licenses issued under the original settlement charter. The cooperative's membership is effectively the community's working population; the distinction between the cooperative's governance and the settlement council's governance is real but narrow, the cooperative handling production and trade decisions while the council handles civic infrastructure and the modest public services the community requires. The two bodies share a building and several family connections.
+
+The **Kruger 60 Guild Assembly** maintains a freight scheduling relationship with Moçâmedes that predates the current generation of logistics coordinators on both sides. The scheduling is handled by convention rather than formal contract — a rhythm of shipments and returns that has been refined over two centuries and that neither side sees reason to formalize because formalization would introduce the possibility of renegotiation.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The aquifer system that feeds the Estufas cooperative's greenhouse network extends further than the settlement's published geological surveys indicate. The founding generation's original hydrological assessment — filed with the settlement charter and available in the Assembly's wave_3 archive — describes the aquifer as a localized subsurface feature beneath the terminator zone. The cooperative's own geological data, accumulated over three centuries of extraction and monitoring, shows that the aquifer is part of a much larger subsurface hydrological system that extends well into the dark-side hemisphere. What lies beneath the dark side has never been publicly surveyed. The cooperative's position is that the existing aquifer taps provide adequate capacity for the foreseeable future and that dark-side exploration would require capital investment that the community's scale does not justify. The question of what the dark-side aquifer system might contain — and whether the founding generation knew more about it than they reported — has not been pressed.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A hydroponic engineer conducting routine maintenance on the deepest aquifer tap has found mineral signatures in the water chemistry that do not match any documented geological profile for the terminator zone — signatures that are consistent with deep-crust contact at a depth the aquifer should not reach according to the cooperative's published geological model.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+M7 is among the dimmest stellar types hosting a settled community in the south_reach, placing Moçâmedes at the extreme end of the M-dwarf habitability range. The close-orbit tidal locking and terminator-zone habitation are standard consequences of this stellar type. The subsurface aquifer hydroponic model is a plausible adaptation for a community that cannot rely on surface agriculture under M7 illumination levels. Wave_3 settlement at hop 5 reflects the outer extension of the third emigration wave along the south_reach corridor, one hop beyond the wave_2 junction at Kruger 60.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-785/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_029
+# Porto Fechado
 **GJ 785** | M-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+Porto Fechado — closed port. The name is Portuguese and it is not a complaint. It is a statement of fact that the founding generation chose deliberately, with the particular dry humor of people who selected a dead-end system and wanted the name to tell you so before you arrived. One gate. One connection, to Carvalhais. Nothing beyond. The founders understood what they were choosing: isolation as a structural condition, not a temporary inconvenience, and a relationship with Carvalhais that would define every supply schedule, every export route, every piece of news that reached this system for as long as the gate stayed open.
+
+GJ 785 is a K3V — a mid-K dwarf, warmer and more stable than the M-types that characterize the surrounding south_reach systems. The star sits at 29.1 light-years from Sol, and its habitable zone hosts a world with surface conditions that are, by outer south_reach standards, generous: moderate gravity, breathable atmosphere, a day-night cycle close enough to the human standard that the founding generation did not need to impose an artificial lighting schedule. The surface has the kind of temperate continental geography that supports conventional agriculture without extraordinary engineering — rolling terrain, seasonal weather, adequate rainfall on the primary continent's western coast. The founding survey described it as unusually habitable for its hop distance. That habitability is why people came here despite the dead-end topology.
+
+What the founding generation built was a community organized around a specific principle: self-sufficiency as a design constraint rather than an aspiration. The wave_3 settlers — Portuguese and Mozambican families, from the same emigration corridor that populated Carvalhais and the inner south_reach — understood that a dead-end system with a single gate connection was one gate malfunction or one political dispute from total isolation. They designed their agriculture, their manufacturing, and their social institutions around the assumption that the gate might, at some point, close. It has not closed in three hundred years. The design assumption has persisted anyway, producing a community that imports less per capita than any other settled system in the south_reach and that maintains strategic reserves of critical supplies at levels that its neighbors find excessive and that its residents consider prudent.
+
+The agriculture is diversified to the point of redundancy — nine distinct crop families across three growing regions, with seed banks maintained at a depth of investment that agricultural operations at comparable systems would not consider justified. The manufacturing is light but comprehensive: the community produces its own construction materials, its own agricultural equipment, and a range of consumer goods that would not be commercially competitive in open-market comparison but that serve the purpose of existing when the alternative is import dependence. The population — approximately fifteen thousand — is large enough to sustain this diversity and small enough that the community's social cohesion has never required formal enforcement.
+
+What Porto Fechado exports, through the single gate to Carvalhais, is not discussed in detail at Carvalhais. This is the other side of the silence that Carvalhais maintains about its GJ 785 gate traffic: whatever moves through that gate in both directions does so under the management of the GJ 785 Logistics Syndicate, which is registered at Carvalhais but whose operations are centered here. The community's visible export economy is modest — surplus agricultural products, some manufactured goods — but the freight volumes that Carvalhais's gate records show are larger than that visible economy would explain.
+
+Governance is a settlement council elected by household, a structure inherited from the founding charter and maintained without significant modification for three hundred years. The council's primary function, beyond routine civic administration, is the management of the strategic reserve system — the inventory, the rotation schedules, the procurement decisions that keep the reserves current. This function absorbs a significant fraction of the council's deliberation time and has produced, over three centuries, a governing culture that thinks in terms of contingency rather than opportunity.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Porto Fechado exports agricultural surplus and manufactured goods through Carvalhais, with secondary revenue from the logistics operations managed by the GJ 785 Syndicate. The community imports refined technical components that its light manufacturing cannot produce — medical equipment, communications hardware, specialized agricultural tools — all routed through Carvalhais's junction infrastructure. The strategic reserve system means import scheduling is planned in multi-year cycles rather than on-demand, which gives the community's procurement coordinators an unusual degree of leverage in negotiating terms: they buy in volume, on their schedule, and Carvalhais's suppliers have learned that Porto Fechado's orders are reliable but inflexible.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Settlement Council** functions as both civic governance and strategic reserve management authority — the two functions have been administratively merged since the second generation, when the council determined that separating reserve management from governance created coordination failures during emergency drills. The council's reserve committee meets monthly and its minutes are the most closely followed public documents in the system.
+
+The **GJ 785 Logistics Syndicate** operates the export and import scheduling for the single gate connection. Its relationship with the settlement council is arm's-length: the Syndicate handles commercial freight, the council handles strategic reserve logistics, and the boundary between the two is maintained with a formality that suggests the distinction matters to both parties. The Syndicate's principals include residents of Porto Fechado and individuals registered at Carvalhais whose involvement in the Syndicate predates the current generation of its management.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The freight volumes through the single gate to Carvalhais exceed what Porto Fechado's visible economic output would generate. The community does not discuss this discrepancy because the community does not experience it as a discrepancy — the Syndicate's operations are understood locally as a separate commercial function that employs residents and generates revenue, and the details of what the Syndicate moves are treated as the Syndicate's business. The Carvalhais side of this arrangement maintains the same discretion. The Assembly compliance office at Carvalhais has standard manifest oversight authority; the manifests have always passed inspection. The question is not whether the manifests are accurate but whether the manifests describe everything that moves.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A retired gate technician at Carvalhais has told her granddaughter that in forty years of working the GJ 785 gate, she saw the same freight container — identified by a specific registration mark she can still recite — pass through the gate in both directions on seventeen separate occasions, each time listed under a different shipper.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+K3V is a mid-sequence K-type star, warmer and more stable than the M-dwarfs that characterize most south_reach outer systems — which makes the dead-end topology and the community's self-sufficiency focus a matter of deliberate choice rather than environmental necessity. The system is physically more hospitable than many of its better-connected neighbors. The M-type header designation is a generation artifact; K3V governs all lore detail. Wave_3 settlement at hop 5 reflects the third emigration wave's extension of the south_reach corridor, with the dead-end topology creating the isolation psychology that defines the community's character.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-827/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_002
+# Solandar
 **GJ 827** | M-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+The name is a corruption — three hundred years of local pronunciation wearing down a founding captain's surname until the person and the place separated and the word became its own thing. The original was Solander, a Swedish-Finnish naturalist who traveled with Cook on the Endeavour in the eighteenth century, a man whose contribution to the voyage was botanical cataloging rather than navigation. Captain Ayanda Solander, the wave_3 expedition leader who filed this system's settlement charter, was South African by birth, Swedish by maternal heritage, and a botanist by training before she became a colony ship commander. She named the system after the naturalist she admired and then spent thirty years proving that the admiration was justified. Her botanical survey of the habitable world's native biome — the first systematic alien ecology study conducted in the south_reach — fills a shelf in the system's archive and remains a referenced work in the field. Three centuries of local speech turned Solander into Solandar, and Captain Ayanda's descendants did not correct it because the name had become the place's rather than the person's, and that seemed appropriate.
+
+GJ 827 is an F6V — an early F-type star, the brightest and warmest stellar type hosting a settled community in this section of the south_reach. At 30.2 light-years from Sol, the F6V primary burns hotter, brighter, and bluer than the K and M-type stars that dominate the surrounding systems. The habitable world orbits at a distance that would be mid-system for an M-dwarf arrangement, and the surface conditions are, by south_reach standards, extraordinary: high UV output that drives a vigorous biosphere, broad-spectrum visible light that makes the landscape look — to visitors from dim red-dwarf systems — almost garish in its color saturation, and a planetary ecology that has developed the kind of complexity that high-energy stellar environments favor over geological time.
+
+What Captain Solander found, and what her survey documented, was a world with a native biosphere that was more ecologically complex than anything the south_reach had encountered. Not dangerous — the biochemistry is incompatible with human biology in the specific ways that alien biochemistries almost always are, which means the native organisms cannot infect humans and humans cannot eat native organisms. But complex: multiple trophic levels, sophisticated reproductive strategies, a degree of ecological interdependence that implies long evolutionary development under stable conditions. The biosphere is the system's scientific asset, and it has been treated as such since the founding.
+
+The **Solandar Botanical Institute** was established by Captain Solander's second-generation descendants and has operated continuously for approximately two hundred and seventy years. It is not a university — it lacks the breadth of curriculum — but within its specialty of xenobotany and alien ecology it holds a reputation that extends to Lalande's academic programs and to research communities in the core. The Institute's field station network covers the habitable world's major biomes, and its researchers have documented approximately twelve thousand native species across five kingdoms, a body of work that represents the most comprehensive alien biosphere catalog in the south_reach. The Institute's annual research publication is distributed to academic programs at fourteen systems.
+
+The dead-end topology shapes the Institute's character and the community's. One gate to Dzimbahwe (GJ 4053), and from there to Zenzele and the inner ring. The researchers who come to Solandar come deliberately and often stay longer than they planned, because the biosphere rewards sustained observation and the community has developed the particular hospitality of a place that is difficult to reach and knows what it has to offer once you arrive. The non-academic population — approximately ten thousand residents — is organized around the Institute's needs and the conventional agriculture that supports the community. The farms grow terrestrial crops on land that has been cleared of native biome, a process managed under the Institute's ecological protocols to minimize disruption to the surrounding ecology.
+
+Governance is an elected council with a permanent seat reserved for the Institute's director — an arrangement established in the settlement charter and maintained without challenge for three hundred years. The founding families' botanical heritage persists in the community's relationship to the natural world: Solandar's residents know their local ecology in the way that farmers in other systems know their soil chemistry, as practical knowledge that shapes daily decisions.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Solandar exports research — published work, biological samples under controlled-release agreements, and the consulting services of the Institute's senior researchers. These exports do not generate the kind of revenue that agricultural or manufacturing systems produce, but they generate enough to fund the Institute's operations and to sustain the modest imports the community requires. Physical exports include a small volume of agricultural surplus routed through Dzimbahwe. Imports are technical equipment for the field station network, food staples that the local agriculture does not cover, and the academic personnel who arrive through the Dzimbahwe gate on research contracts.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Solandar Botanical Institute** is the community's defining institution — its largest employer, its primary source of external connections, and the entity that determines the community's relationship to the habitable world's ecology. The Institute's director sits on the settlement council by charter right and holds effective veto over any development proposal that affects the native biome. This authority has been exercised three times in the Institute's history, each time to block agricultural expansion into biologically sensitive areas. The community accepts this constraint because the Institute's existence is the reason Solandar is known beyond its own borders.
+
+The **Agricultural Cooperative** operates the cleared-land farms that feed the community. Its relationship with the Institute is defined by the ecological protocols that govern land use — protocols that the cooperative's members view as necessary constraints in the same way Moçâmedes' greenhouse operators view their aquifer access rules: non-negotiable conditions of the environment they work in.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The Institute's sample archive contains biological materials collected over two hundred and seventy years from across the habitable world's biomes. The archive's controlled-release protocols permit external researchers to request specific samples for approved research purposes. What the protocols do not address — because they were written before the question became relevant — is whether the archive constitutes a proprietary biological resource under Assembly commercial law, and if so, who owns it. The Institute treats the archive as a scientific resource held in trust. The question of whether a commercial entity could claim rights to a derivative product developed from an archived sample has been raised in academic legal discussions but has not been tested. The Institute's director has declined to seek a formal legal determination on the grounds that seeking one would invite the answer.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A pharmaceutical research company based at Prometheus (GJ 702B) has submitted a formal sample request to the Institute for a specific organism from the deep-ocean biome that the company's research prospectus describes in terms suggesting they already know what they are looking for — a level of specificity that the Institute's sample review committee finds inconsistent with the claim that this is exploratory research.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+F6V is the warmest stellar type in this batch, and among the brightest hosting a settled community in the outer south_reach. The high UV output and vigorous biosphere are direct consequences of the F-type stellar environment. The M-type header is a generation artifact; F6V governs all lore detail. The dead-end topology at hop 6 connected to Dzimbahwe (wave_2, hop 5) is consistent with the wave_3 pattern of extending into systems beyond existing wave_2 anchor points. The ecological complexity and the Institute's charter-protected role create a community character that is unusual for a dead-end system: scientific rather than agricultural, outward-looking by intellectual orientation despite inward-turning topology.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-829/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_219
+# Posto Avançado
 **GJ 829** | F-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,51 @@
 
 ---
 
+Posto Avançado — forward post, outpost, the place beyond the established line. The name is Portuguese and it was chosen with the self-awareness of people who knew they were settling at the edge of what had been settled before, in a system that connected an ancient dead-end community to the broader network for the first time. The wave_5 founders arrived approximately forty years ago, which makes Posto Avançado one of the youngest settlements in the south_reach and the youngest in this particular section of the outer corridor. They came because the gate to Velha Guarda (GJ 4A) was there and someone needed to be the connection between a four-hundred-year-old dead-end community and the rest of human space.
+
+GJ 829 is an M4 — a mid-range M dwarf, dim and red, at 21.9 light-years from Sol. The habitable world is close-orbit, tidally influenced, with a rotation period long enough to require an artificial day-night schedule in the settlement's interior spaces. The surface is rocky and arid across most of the star-facing hemisphere, with subsurface ice deposits in the terminator zone that the founding generation tapped for water supply. The environment is not hospitable in the agricultural sense — the M4 primary provides insufficient photosynthetically active radiation for surface farming, and the thin atmosphere offers inadequate UV shielding during flare events. The settlement is primarily underground, with surface installations limited to the freight handling infrastructure and the communications arrays.
+
+What makes Posto Avançado significant is not what it is but what it connects. Two gates: one inward to Inhambane (GJ 54), the south_reach's granary at hop 5, and one outward to Velha Guarda (GJ 4A), the oldest inhabited system in this part of the outer corridor. Before Posto Avançado was settled, Velha Guarda's connection to the Reach ran through a different and longer path — the wave_5 settlement created a shorter route between the four-hundred-year-old dead-end and the inner ring. The practical consequence is that Velha Guarda's supplies, its communications, its contact with the broader human world now route through a community that is approximately one-tenth as old as the community it serves.
+
+The relationship between Posto Avançado and Velha Guarda is the system's defining dynamic. Velha Guarda's population is larger, older, more culturally established, and deeply aware that its connection to the Reach depends on a settlement that did not exist when most of Velha Guarda's current institutions were already centuries old. Posto Avançado's population is younger, smaller, still building its infrastructure, and aware that its primary economic function is to serve as a waypoint for a community that was self-sufficient for three hundred years before the gate opened. The traffic between the two systems is asymmetric: Velha Guarda sends agricultural surplus and cultural goods outward; Inhambane sends grain and manufactured supplies inward. Posto Avançado handles the freight and takes its margin.
+
+The founding generation was mixed south_reach heritage — families from Inhambane, from Crux Station's operations staff, from the transit communities at Confluência — drawn by the wave_5 settlement incentive program that the Assembly offered for systems filling identified network gaps. The Assembly's interest in Posto Avançado was specific: completing the connection between Inhambane and Velha Guarda reduced the outer south_reach's isolation index and brought a four-hundred-year-old community within reliable supply range of the grain network. The settlement incentives were generous. The families who accepted them understood what they were getting: a useful but austere system with a clear economic function and limited prospects for anything beyond it.
+
+The population is approximately three thousand — small enough that the community's institutional structure is still being negotiated. Governance is an interim council appointed under the wave_5 charter framework, with elections scheduled but not yet held. The interim period has lasted longer than the charter anticipated because the community has not yet resolved the question of how much governance authority should rest with the transit operations and how much with the residential community — a tension familiar from Encrucijada and other young hub settlements, but at a smaller scale and with less urgency because the freight volumes are modest.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Posto Avançado imports nearly everything. Food comes from Inhambane through the inward gate. Construction materials and technical equipment arrive on the same supply corridor. The community's own productive capacity is limited to the transit services it provides and the small-scale manufacturing that supports the underground settlement's maintenance needs. Revenue is generated primarily from freight handling fees on the Inhambane-to-Velha Guarda corridor and from the Assembly transit support contract that subsidizes operations at wave_5 network-gap settlements. The subsidy is scheduled to phase out within the next decade, which concentrates the community's attention on developing sustainable revenue before that date.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Interim Settlement Council** operates under the wave_5 charter framework with appointed rather than elected members. The appointment authority rests with the founding families' consensus, which in practice means the three families who hold the transit operations contracts — Inhambane-heritage families with logistics backgrounds. The council's primary focus is infrastructure development and the subsidy phase-out transition. Electoral governance is formally the community's next institutional milestone; informally, the council members are not eager to subject their management decisions to democratic review until the infrastructure is more established.
+
+The **Velha Guarda Liaison Committee** is an informal body maintained by several Velha Guarda residents who spend extended periods at Posto Avançado managing the freight relationship. The committee has no formal authority at Posto Avançado but exercises influence through its knowledge of Velha Guarda's supply needs and its relationships with the founding families on both sides of the gate. The committee's presence is a reminder that Posto Avançado's largest customer is also its most opinionated neighbor.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The wave_5 settlement incentive program that funded Posto Avançado's founding included a clause — standard in network-gap settlement contracts — granting the Assembly transit authority scheduling priority at the system's gates during the subsidy period. The clause was accepted without significant negotiation because the founding families' primary concern was the financial incentive, not the scheduling terms. In practice, the clause means the Assembly can route traffic through Posto Avançado's gates on priority terms that override the local transit operations' scheduling — a power that has been exercised twice, both times for routine Assembly freight, both times without advance notice to the local operations staff. The implications of this scheduling priority for Posto Avançado's ability to serve Velha Guarda's supply needs during high-demand periods have not been tested. The founding families have not raised the question because doing so might draw attention to the clause, and the clause expires with the subsidy. They intend to let it expire quietly.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A Velha Guarda elder visiting Posto Avançado has observed that the settlement's interim council has approved a construction contract for expanded freight handling capacity — capacity that exceeds, by a significant margin, what the current Inhambane-to-Velha Guarda corridor would require — and that the contract was awarded to a firm registered at Crux Station that the elder has never heard of and that does not appear in any south_reach commercial directory she can access.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+M4 is a mid-range M-dwarf, consistent with the arid, underground settlement conditions described. The F-type header is a generation artifact; M4 governs all lore detail. Wave_5 settlement at hop 6 reflects the recent network-gap filling that characterizes the fifth emigration wave — Posto Avançado was settled to serve a specific connectivity function rather than for its own resource potential. The spur-end topology with connections to Inhambane (wave_3, hop 5) and Velha Guarda (wave_2, hop 7) places it between the oldest and the youngest communities in the outer south_reach, a generational asymmetry that shapes every aspect of its character.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->

wiki/star-systems/GJ-83.1/index.md

@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# PLACEHOLDER_004
+# Farol
 **GJ 83.1** | K-type | south_reach
 
 ---
@@ -14,20 +14,49 @@
 
 ---
 
+Farol — lighthouse. The Portuguese word for a structure that exists to mark a boundary, to warn, to guide. The wave_2 founders who named this system four hundred years ago were not being metaphorical. They were marking the edge. Farol was, at the time of its settlement, the furthest inhabited system in the south_reach — the point beyond which the gate network extended into unmapped territory and the communities that had seeded the corridor could go no further without committing to a frontier that no one was ready for. The lighthouse was not for the ships coming in. It was for the people looking out, measuring the distance between what they had built and what lay beyond it.
+
+GJ 83.1 is a dM8e — among the dimmest and most energetic stellar types hosting a permanent human settlement anywhere in the Reach. The "d" marks it as a dwarf; the "M8" places it at the extreme cool end of the M-dwarf sequence; the "e" means it emits, frequently and violently. Flare events at a dM8e are not background weather — they are operationally disruptive incidents that require shelter protocols, equipment shutdown procedures, and the kind of institutional readiness that only four centuries of continuous experience can produce. The habitable world is so close to the star that the orbital period is measured in hours, the surface is tidally locked, and the terminator zone — where the settlement exists — receives just enough heat and just enough light to sustain enclosed habitation with full radiation shielding.
+
+The community that has survived here for four hundred years has done so by treating the stellar environment not as an obstacle but as the fundamental fact around which everything else is organized. The settlement is underground. All of it. Surface installations are limited to the radiation-hardened communication arrays and the docking infrastructure that connects to the horizon station. The underground habitat extends through excavated basalt chambers sealed with the alloy-reinforced composites that four hundred years of flare exposure have taught the community to trust. The architecture is deep, layered, and beautiful in the way that necessity sometimes produces: the founding generation's engineers turned the constraints of underground construction into a design vocabulary of curved ceilings, embedded lighting, and spaces that flow into each other without the hard boundaries that surface architecture uses. Visitors who descend into Farol's habitat complex describe it as surprisingly spacious, surprisingly warm, and surprisingly alive for a place that exists entirely beneath rock.
+
+Two gates: one to Matamba (GJ 884), the arbitration center at hop 5, and one to Knotenpunkt (GJ 1235), the deep_frontier junction at hop 7. This pair of connections gives Farol a specific structural character — it is the last south_reach system before the deep frontier. Matamba's legal infrastructure and Knotenpunkt's transit networks meet at Farol, making it a boundary system in both the administrative and the geographic sense. Traffic from the deep frontier headed for the south_reach's institutional infrastructure passes through Farol; traffic from the south_reach headed for the frontier does the same. The community has developed the particular competence of people who live at boundaries: they understand both directions, they belong to neither fully, and they maintain relationships in both because their position depends on it.
+
+The founding heritage was Mozambican and Angolan-Portuguese — from the same wave_2 emigration corridor that seeded Matamba and Confluência. Four hundred years of boundary-position habitation have layered additional cultural threads into the community: deep_frontier transit crews who stayed, Matamba legal practitioners who retired here, Knotenpunkt merchants who found the quiet appealing. The population is approximately fourteen thousand — modest for its age, reflecting the environmental constraints that limit growth in a fully underground settlement dependent on imported food. The governance is a community assembly with direct participation — no representative structure, every adult eligible to speak and vote on major decisions — a model that the small population makes workable and that the community considers a founding principle rather than a structural limitation.
+
+---
+
 ## Supply Dependency
-<!-- Required for manufacturing/transit_logistics base and narrative_notable systems -->
+
+Farol imports most of its food from Matamba and, through Matamba, from the agricultural networks of the inner south_reach. The underground habitat cannot support agricultural production beyond small-scale supplemental growing in the illuminated chambers. Technical components for the radiation shielding infrastructure and the excavation equipment that maintains the habitat complex arrive through the same corridor. The community exports transit services — gate scheduling, cargo processing, and the bonded storage that deep_frontier operators use for south_reach-bound freight — and a specialized engineering consultancy in underground construction and radiation hardening that has found clients across the outer south_reach and in several deep_frontier systems.
+
+---
 
 ## Faction Notes
-<!-- Significant local factions not covered by standard columns -->
+
+The **Farol Community Assembly** governs by direct participation, a structure that is viable at the community's current population and that becomes complicated during periods of high transit traffic when temporary residents exceed permanent ones. The assembly's standing committees handle infrastructure, transit operations, and the ongoing excavation program that expands the underground habitat. The committees are staffed by long-tenure residents whose knowledge of the habitat's engineering systems is effectively irreplaceable.
+
+The **Deep Frontier Transit Bureau** is a commercial entity registered at Farol that manages the freight processing relationship with Knotenpunkt and the frontier systems beyond. The bureau was established approximately one hundred and fifty years ago by a coalition of Farol and Knotenpunkt merchant families, and it operates as the primary commercial interface between the south_reach's regulated freight network and the deep frontier's less formal logistics. The bureau's position gives it knowledge of frontier freight flows that no other south_reach institution possesses, a fact that its principals consider a commercial advantage and that Matamba's legal practitioners consider a potential governance concern.
+
+---
 
 ## Silence Topic
-<!-- Required for narrative_notable and Institutional Core / Diplomatic Periphery zones -->
+
+The underground habitat complex at Farol extends further than the published infrastructure maps indicate. The original excavation program, conducted during the founding generation, followed the basalt fracture patterns that the geological survey identified as structurally sound for chamber construction. The excavation encountered, at a depth the published survey does not mention, a void — not a natural cave in the geological sense, but a space whose dimensions and surface characteristics were sufficiently regular that the founding generation's engineers noted it in their internal records and did not include it in the settlement charter's infrastructure inventory. The void has been sealed. The internal records have been maintained by the community assembly's infrastructure committee without external disclosure. The assembly's position, passed down through four hundred years of committee chairpersons, is that the void is an engineering curiosity that does not affect the settlement's structural integrity and that disclosing it would invite investigation that the community does not want and that the void's nature does not justify.
+
+---
 
 ## Narrative Hook
-<!-- Required if narrative_notable = true. One sentence. -->
+
+A new infrastructure committee member, reviewing the founding-era excavation records during routine archive familiarization, has found the sealed void's documentation and has asked the committee chair why the void's dimensions — 240 meters long, 40 meters wide, 18 meters high, with walls that the founding engineers described as "anomalously regular" — are not recorded in any document that the Assembly's settlement registry has ever received.
+
+---
 
 ## Calibration Note
-<!-- Unusual column combinations requiring justification -->
+
+dM8e is among the most extreme stellar types hosting a permanent settlement — the combination of M8 dimness and emission-line flare activity creates the most challenging stellar environment in this batch. The K-type header is a generation artifact; dM8e governs all lore detail. Wave_2 settlement at hop 6 reflects the aggressive reach of the second emigration wave, which pushed further into hostile stellar environments than subsequent waves would attempt. The spur-end topology connecting Matamba (hop 5) and Knotenpunkt (hop 7) places Farol at the precise boundary between the south_reach's institutional reach and the deep frontier's functional independence — a boundary position that has defined the community for four centuries.
+
+---
 
 ## Topology
 <!-- READ-ONLY — regenerated from star-map.json edges -->